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This paper aims to present the continuous Nigerian Government’s failure to protect the lives and property of its citizens against the incessant itinerant herders’ violence, despite its numerous programs in attempts to end the carnage. It sought also to examine the relationship between this government’s failure to meet its responsibility and the ineluctable self-defense mechanisms adopted by the people of Plateau State, Nigeria.

The research was both quantitative and qualitative. The study was conducted in four of the 17 Local Government Areas of the state: Bassa, Jos-south, Riyom and Barkin Ladi. A sample size of 400 was determined using Yamane Taro’s sampling size formula. Four hundred respondents were interviewed using a Google questionnaire (found at this link: https://forms.gle/tu96ZDwP85e8JsGu8). In this study, a total of seven key informant interviews and nine focus group discussions were conducted.

The finding revealed that most indigenous ethnic groups were dissatisfied with the government’s handling of the nomadic herders’ aggression. Therefore, 99.1% of Berom, 99.0% of Irigwe and 92.9% of other ethnicities argued that the government’s failure to protect them is a tacit permission for self-defense. On the contrary, 60.0% of the Fulani were satisfied with the government’s strategies in ending the aggression and 95.0% of them argued that the government’s failure to protect its citizens is not an implied permission for self-defense. It was also found that a relationship exists between the government’s lack of capacity to end the nomadic herders’ aggression and implied consent for self-defense in Plateau State, Nigeria.

This is a research paper that uses primary data. The findings are germane to ending the challenge of recurrent aggression of nomadic herders on other Nigerians. The study concludes that the government must live up to its responsibility of the protection of its citizens’ lives and property, failure to do so is an implicit permission to the citizens to defend themselves. It also recommended that the government should return displaced people to their communities.

Organizations remain a vital sociological topic, but organizational sociology, as a subfield, has evolved significantly since its inception. In this paper, I argue that organization sociology is becoming increasingly disconnected from organizational theory, as currently conceived. The focus of sociological research on organizations has become more empirically grounded in the study of social problems and how organizations contribute to them. Sociologists continue to see organizations as important actors in society that play a role in shaping social order and as contexts in which social processes play out. I propose two main sociological approaches for organizational research, which I describe as “organizations within society” and “society within organizations.” The first approach examines the role of organizations as building blocks of social structure and as social actors in their own right. The second approach treats organizations as platforms and locations of social interactions and the building of community. These approaches are somewhat disconnected from the sort of grand theorizing that characterizes much of organizational theory. I argue that the problem-oriented sociology of these two approaches offers a vital way for organizational scholars to expand and theoretically revitalize the field.

This paper aims to explore why a country with significant under-investment in water infrastructure has not successfully imposed domestic water charges. Drawing on an economization lens, it examines how an economy emerged in the imposition of water charges but was subsequently hidden due to their politically motivated suspension.

Drawing on documentary evidence, a theoretically informed examination of the “economization” process is set out. This examination recognizes the central role sustainability plays in water management but illustrates how sustainability must be integrated with environmental, social, economic, cultural and political factors.

The findings set out the challenges experienced by a state-owned water company as they attempt to manage domestic water charges. The paper reveals that while the suspension of water charges has hidden the “economy” within government subvention, the economic and sustainable imperative to invest in and pay for water remains, but is enveloped within a political “hot potato” bringing about a quasi-political/quasi-economic landscape.

The findings demonstrate how the effective and sustainable management of domestic water supply requires collaboration between multiple participants, including the government, the European Union, private citizens and the water protest movement.

While highlighting the challenges faced by a country that has seriously under-invested in its water resources, the paper reflects the societal consequences of charging individuals for water, raising important questions about what water actually is – a right, a product or a political object.

Showing how an economy around domestic water supply in Ireland was revealed, but subsequently hidden in “the political”, the paper illustrates how sustainability is as much about economics and politics as it is about ecological balance and natural resources.

The study investigates the influence of inclusive growth on tax revenue. It validates the fiscal exchange and resource bargaining theories, which suggest that tax compliance improves when citizens perceive that their tax contributions lead to enhanced welfare and that the government negotiates with people to provide public goods and services in exchange for taxes received.

The paper employs inclusive growth measures, including an integrated GDP and equity growth measure and alternative proxies based on GDP per person employed and Asian Development Bank (ADB) inclusive growth indicators. Using 39 sub-Saharan African countries as a sample, our analysis captures spatial interactions across these contiguous countries using the Fixed-Effect model with the Driscoll and Kraay non-parametric consistent covariance matrix and the spatial Durbin Arellano–Bond linear dynamic panel generalized method of moment (Spatial GMM) approach with an interaction weight matrix to capture interactions between countries in the region.

The paper shows that inclusive growth positively influences tax revenue in the region. This validates the fiscal exchange and resource bargaining hypotheses, demonstrating that tax compliance is positively influenced by public goods provision and the government’s ability to emphasize the necessity of taxes for service provision. It indicates that citizens are more willing to pay taxes when the government effectively promotes welfare. We find a significant positive spatial spillover effect, suggesting that inclusive growth not only boosts tax revenue within a specific country but also extends its benefits to neighboring countries, aligning with the spillover theory.

The study posits that the government implements policies that guarantee effectiveness and accountability in public welfare delivery as well as sufficient tax bases and tax revenue. An inclusive growth policy that engenders GDP growth, employment and equity growth should be implemented since the rate of tax compliance of the citizens improves for every welfare provided by the government.

This study tests the validity of the fiscal exchange and resource bargaining theories in Sub-Saharan Africa. Accommodating spatial dependence and cross-border effects, the study sheds light on how inclusive growth impacts tax revenue across contiguous countries in the region. As such, the region should prioritize regional integration, fostering economic ties and harmonizing policies through knowledge sharing and cross-border investment.