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The purpose of this article is to provide a critical account of the hate crime (HC) paradigm by exploring its historical legal definition and the limitations in addressing the multiple and structural discriminations faced by minority groups. Specifically, the article focuses on the case of Italy, where in recent years a fierce debate over a proposed law on HC against LGBT+ and disabled people ended in its rejection due to neoconservative and Catholic opposition.

Drawing on critical socio-criminological literature on HC, the paper analyses the Italian debates and socio-legal context over the past two decades regarding discrimination against LGBT+ groups and its (lack of) criminalization. It also provides a secondary analysis of recent data on violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people, collected by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA).

The analysis of the debate and the data collected shows that the criminal definition of HC is insufficient to capture the wider range of social and cultural violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people. Indeed, data analysis shows the effect of the low level of recognition of rights on the propensity of people to denounce and of social practitioners to recognize, discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people. It is therefore argued that the discussion on HC should move beyond the criminalization of individual violence to be entrenched in a broader reflection over the lack of recognition of sexual citizenship rights which perpetuates the vulnerability of LGBT+ people.

This paper contributes to the international socio-criminological debate on HC. It argues for a comprehensive framework that recognizes the structural nature of discrimination and violence against vulnerable groups by framing discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people as a citizenship right rather than a criminal justice issue.

This paper takes a contemplative analysis of non-violent activism in a hyperlocal context that is historically marked by violent clashes. It emphasizes the importance of placing nonviolent activities within leadership frameworks that prioritize collectivity, collaboration, adaptiveness, authenticity, and community interactions. It argues that non-violent activism can serve as a cornerstone of democratic practices, and plausible to a myriad of challenges in civic spaces. The assertion that violence is not a prerequisite for gaining the attention of authorities capable of enacting societal change is supported by several studies. This paper advocates for a reorientation of collaborative efforts between those in positions of authority and civil society leaders to foster progress. There is power in the decibel of voices of the people, to correct acts of omission and commission that is impacting negatively on the citizens. In context characterized by volatility and fragility, the paper suggests prioritizing the process of influencing, mobilizing and organizing responsive interventions rather than solely focusing on the ends or outcomes. Process-oriented approach creates containers for curiosity, relational, and experimental practices that interweave multi-dimensional perspectives. The social change actors navigated cultural and structural barriers to implement non-violent strategies, offering a compelling example of grassroots peace building. Overall, this paper findings underscores the significance of understanding both direct and structural violence in shaping citizen’s right within specific context. It highlights the efficacy of context-based leadership practices in promoting non-violent organizing for peace, particularly in hyperlocal settings. Moreover, it suggests that these findings could inform indigenous peace building that is inherently influenced by contextual factors.

Adopting a case study, I was able to elucidate a context-based leadership model advanced by local women that averted a probable political violence in Nigeria. A case study approach was adopted because it is a phenomenon that is bounded in time, context and advanced by a particular group of change agents. A case study with a constructivist approach was utilized to understand the context and sense making of the “why” and the “what”. In situatedness, the natural occurring data was cultivated, including one-on-one indepth interviews. Data was analyzed using a narrative analysis, which raised themes on resilience, collectivity, collaboration, risk and sustainability. The findings pivot a culturally based experience of leadership by women in a fragile context. First, I provided a contextual background, explaining the local context, including the socio-economic, cultural, political and historical factors that contributed to the emergence of the conflict. In addition, I explained the scope and nature of the conflict, describing the grievances and issues that led to the tensions within the community, and highlighting the key actors and stakeholders involved. Secondly, I analyzed the non-violent strategies and tactics employed by a group of social change actors to address the issue which involved non-violent protest, tactical community organizing, dialogic engagements and creative forms of interventions. Thirdly, I evaluated and explained the role of leadership in coordinating non-violent activities and actions, the effectiveness of their leadership style, relational and processual, that sustained the non -violent approach, and the challenges the group encountered. In addition, I explained the outcome from such leadership practice and lessons learned, with evidence of a dismantling of power dynamics, and shift in attitude to a non-violent disposition. Lastly, I explained how this approach may have broader implications for understanding nonviolent conflict resolution, social movements, and the promotion of peace and justice in local contexts and beyond.

A leadership practice that is relational and collective should have consideration for both the context where the leadership is exercised and deliberate on the processes necessary to hold containers for everyone to engage. This is gradually dismantling the hegemonic conceptualization of peace building, with a gradual shift of co-construction and sense making of peace building, with implication for more diversity and inclusion of persons and perspectives. It also underscores a system that deconstructs and departs form colonized thinking and contributes to conditions that enables and inspires alternative approaches to addressing oppressive power structures. (1) In unstable situations, leadership frequently arises from within communities, driven by individuals and groups intimately connected to their realities. The Nassarawan women embody this grassroots leadership, marked by wisdom, resilience, and a dedication to creating positive change despite significant obstacles. They embrace non-violent strategies, inspired by past successes, recognizing their potency in effecting change. (2) The leadership of these women illustrates the importance of mobilizing collective strength for justice and equality, showcasing how local leadership can catalyze transformative change for the better. (3) Indigenous styles of leadership possess the capacity to go beyond conventional concepts and embrace intricacy, flexibility, and inclusiveness. A multi-faceted leadership strategy becomes especially pertinent as it enables individuals to navigate complexity, confront challenges, and cultivate resilience within their communities, rather than depending solely on traditional methods.(4) The practice of peace leadership isn’t necessarily linked to official positions, titles, or authority. Rather, it appears as a continuous, intentional effort within community interactions, often arising from unexpected situations and sources.

Most of the women engaged in this leadership activity are located in remote areas, and this research had access to only a few who storied their experiences in ways they understood how to.

With the rapid shift and call for more non-violent activism, we must be open to sample the different textures relevant for varied conditions. This holds a huge implication for understanding the psychology of communities expressing the full human agency in exercising leadership that is contextually driven. The connection between local struggles and global movements for social justice and human rights is profound and multifaceted. Firstly, there’s a shared value across movements for equity, equality, justice, dignity, and human rights, spanning issues like environmental protection, gender equality, racial justice, and indigenous rights. Local movements increasingly emphasize building solidarity across borders, collaborating with similar movements worldwide through actions like protests and social media campaigns. This amplifies local voices on a global stage and underscores the interconnectedness of struggles. The leadership of the women’s group holds significant implications for global movements, offering insights into grassroots perspectives on social issues. Their localized knowledge enriches global discourse on social change, providing tangible examples of challenges faced by marginalized groups and culturally relevant solutions. Additionally, their commitment to nonviolent methods establishes a platform for marginalized voices and fosters solidarity across diverse communities. The group’s innovative approaches, drawing upon local resources and grassroots networks, demonstrate the power of community-driven solutions to address social problems. Moreover, their grassroots empowerment shifts power dynamics within communities and influences broader systemic transformations, all while advocating for justice through peaceful means. These practices not only spark global solidarity but also shape public discourse and policy agendas at state and national levels, highlighting the human rights implications of local issues like political corruption. Overall, the women’s group exemplifies the transformative potential of grassroots activism in effecting lasting change on a global scale.

The power for everyday peace leadership rests with the people and it is translated into meaningful outcomes when everyone has the opportunity to lead.

Research has been done on many women led movement in Nigeria, but this is unique, as it changed the narrative for an approach that was successful in shifting cultural boundaries in very fragile and uncertain context.

This study aims to investigate the dynamics of cyberbullying among minority youths, focusing on its increasing prevalence in the digital realm, which does not necessitate technical expertise from the offenders. It explores a shift from conventional bully characteristics to individuals assuming new digital personas, merging traditional criminology with flag theory to analyze violent behavior online, specifically in educational environments, and studying the correlation between low self-control, affiliations with delinquent peers and the likelihood of cyberbullying occurrences.

The research uses structural equation modeling to examine survey data from 237 eleventh-grade students in St. Louis public schools, focusing on the relationships between cyberbullying, low self-control and association with delinquent peers within a comprehensive theoretical framework that includes the flag theory and demographic factors, as well as using multigroup analysis to investigate racial dynamics and confirming indirect effects using bootstrapping techniques.

The research establishes strong connections between low self-control, delinquent peer involvement, and cyberbullying, supporting the flag theory in digital violence contexts, while also showing that low self-control and peer engagement play a mediating role in cyberbullying incidents among minority youth, with racial composition having no significant impact on these dynamics.

The study is restricted by its focus on a particular geographical area, in conjunction with its reliance on self-reported information obtained exclusively from a specific age group. This specificity raises concerns about the applicability of the findings to diverse populations. Furthermore, the study’s dependence on a three-item assessment for cyberbullying, combined with the challenges encountered in achieving complete scalar invariance during multigroup analysis, emphasizes the need for more precise measurement tools and improved methodological frameworks.

This research discloses actionable insights fundamental to the advancement of cyberbullying prevention strategies. The finding that the connection between race and the effects of peer association and self-control on cyberbullying is minimal suggests that these interventions can be generally applied, transcending racial boundaries. Moreover, identifying self-control as a critical intermediary offers fresh avenues for cybercrime research, shifting the conventional focus from established predictors. By zeroing in on peer influence as a fundamental element, this study provides innovative angles to bolster the understanding of digital violence mitigation in educational settings.

This research emphasizes the urgent concern of cyberbullying among minority youths, along with its psychological and academic impacts. By elucidating the interaction between personal traits and social networks, the findings can guide comprehensive strategies aimed at cultivating safer digital spaces and bolstering social wellness within educational frameworks.

This research presents an original and ground-breaking method that combines various theories in criminology specifically in the context of cyberbullying among minority youths. By proposing a new and redefined role for self-control, which is not seen as the common main predictor but rather as a crucial mediator, this study provides fresh insights into the dynamics of cyber aggression. Through the detailed examination of the flag theory framework, the study uncovers the complex reciprocal relationship between self-control and peer engagement, revealing previously overlooked mechanisms in a broader landscape of digital violence.

This study aims to investigate the impact of online collective feminist actions on social media participation and the perceived value of social media as part of the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA).

A mixed methodology is used. Within the SIMCA model in the context of feminist collective actions, social identity, group-efficacy and fear predicted the intention of online collective action participation in the first part (quantitative) of the study. Contrary to predictions, the influence of anger on the intention to participate in collective action was negative. In-depth interviews are conducted in the study’s second (qualitative) part to investigate why individuals do not participate in collective actions despite their anger at violence against women.

The concept of online feminist collective action, from the perspective of the SIMCA model, deals with violence against women in the context of social marketing, revealing the importance of online collective actions as an antecedent of social media participation and the perceived value of social media. The possible causes of the negative impact of anger, which is an important emotion within the framework of the SIMCA model, on online feminist collective action were determined, and a contribution was made to the social marketing literature in the context of women’s rights.

The study makes three major contributions to the literature. First, women’s rights are addressed in the context of online collective action, an issue that has received little attention in social marketing. Second, in the context of the social identity theory of collective action, online collective feminist action and its predecessors are addressed. Finally, the Turkish case is used to highlight the probable causes of anger’s negative impact on collective action.

This study aims to investigate the attitude of students toward domestic violence (DV) and children’s rights.

A quantitative cross-sectional descriptive questionnaire design method was used to collect data. The participants of the study were university levels of associate degree students in Eastern Turkey.

Results showed that female students were more likely to approve of DV, and this difference was statistically significant. The structural equation modeling analysis revealed a positive and significant relationship between students' attitude toward children’s rights and their overall attitude toward DV.

This research suggests that the participants had a positive view of DV and a moderate attitude toward children’s rights. Therefore, it is recommended to enhance the attitude and awareness of future health professionals about children’s rights and DV.

The purpose of the article is to show the regime of truth in the institutional commissions that have the objective of restoring history by establishing a democratic, equitable, comprehensive, inclusive and fair criterion against the attempts of re-victimization and suppression of memory that Western political and cultural traditions have installed through their mechanisms of power.

Based on the analysis of the cases of Inés Fernández Ortega and Valentina Rosendo Cantú, they establish the material conditions from which prejudices and hegemonic stereotypes are intertwined to reproduce serious violations of human rights in democratic political and epistemic frameworks. The colonial function of the truth commissions in Mexico is analyzed, which are presented as mechanisms for social development, political and colonial reproduction of liberal democracy.

The qualitative results allow considering the way in which the different truth commissions in Mexico have been strongly linked to epistemic mechanisms in which truth and justice favor the reproduction of established relationships based on race, social class and gender. Especially in the so-called democratic transition, violence, truth and justice come together to highlight power relations in situations that have been disavowed by the intelligentsia.

The limitations of the research are found in the historical configuration of the truth commissions in Mexico. The data, references and assessments are crossed by the initial function of the truth commissions and the establishment of apparatuses and mechanisms based on transitional justice. Based on this, it can be considered a methodological oversight to shift the analysis of truth commissions toward a critical assessment of the truth as a regime of government and hegemonic and colonization criteria from two very specific cases.

The originality of the work is found in the critical discernment of truth as a political category and the coloniality of power.

This chapter differentiates stress from generalized anxiety, discussing the nature and prevalence of each among college students. The chapter then delves into generalized anxiety in detail, covering instruments that measure generalized anxiety, cultural considerations associated with generalized anxiety and the causes, consequences, prevention and treatment of generalized anxiety among college students. The next section of the chapter focuses on social anxiety among college students, similarly addressing its defining characteristics, prevalence, cultural considerations, causes, consequences, prevention and treatment. The final section of the chapter follows a similar structure in discussing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among college students. Throughout the chapter, attention is devoted to neurotransmitters and brain structures that are involved in anxiety and its treatment through antianxiety medications. Case examples are used to help bring theoretical concepts and research findings to life.

Between 2006 and 2012, Mexico implemented a “frontal war against organized crime”. This strategy increased criminal violence and triggered negative consequences across the country’s economic, political and social spheres. This study aims to analyse how the magnitude and visibility of criminal violence impact the housing market of Mexico City.

The authors used different violent proxies to measure the effect of the magnitude and visibility of violence in housing prices. The structure of the data set is an unbalanced panel with no conditions of strict exogeneity. To address endogeneity, the authors calculate the first differences to estimate an Arellano–Bond estimator and use the lags of the dependent variable to instrumentalise the endogenous variable.

Results suggest that the magnitude of violence negatively impacts housing prices. Similarly, housing prices are negatively affected the closer the property is to visible violence, measured through narcomessages placed next to the bodies of executed victims. Lastly, housing prices are not always affected when a violent event occurs nearby, specifically, when neighbours or potential buyers consider this event as sporadic violence.

There are only a few studies of violence in housing prices using data from developing countries, and most of these studies are conducted with aggregated data at the municipality or state level. The authors are using geocoded information, both violence events and housing prices, to estimate more disaggregated effects. Moreover, the authors used different proxies to measure different characteristics of violence (magnitude and visibility) to estimate the heterogeneous effects of violence on housing prices.