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This chapter explores the dual, contentions spaces of consciousness the Rwandan diaspora communities navigate. First of which was created through the stories of trauma and displacement since the Rwandan genocide and is influenced by the current Rwandan government's control over narratives of identities and remembrance both socially and politically. The second originated from the younger generations' attempt to assimilate to the only country they have never lived in and personally known. In this second space, the younger generations were forced, consciously or unconsciously, to choose between their communities' attachment to the past or creating a new path or future. Most importantly, being in diaspora means accepting that the different generations will often remain at the periphery of the new country, like outsiders looking inward. This phenomenon of social exclusion is a result of different factors, such as social categorisation, collective trauma and the narratives of otherness, which shape the different generations' identity shifts and sense of belonging. Using a phenomenological research method, this study analysed how one event, the 1994 Rwandan genocide, changed the meaning of diaspora consciousness and divided the communities into social categories such as ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’. Using the experiences of Rwandan American diaspora communities, I explored the impact of the labels of ‘victim’ and ‘perpetrator’ and how they have not only created specific narratives around remembrance and accountability but also crystallised the normative ideas of who was harmed and who was responsible for inflicting that harm. This chapter analysed the Rwandan communities' social development and assimilation, their understanding of their pasts and their members' social and political engagements in addressing their roles in their communities and nations.

This paper aims to assess the extent to which Rwanda is prepared to deal with the menace of money laundering, a threat that may well stunt its ambitions to build a strong economy.

This paper used desktop research based on primary and secondary sources. It is based on a review of relevant conventions laws and policies constituting the anti-money laundering legal regime.

Rwanda’s responses are not strong enough to curb the ever growing risk of money laundering. Rwandan economic structure may easily accommodate launderers, given the development policies relating to investments positive political will may help to pre-empt the increase in the crime.

Neither academic, editorial or any work whatsoever have been conducted regarding Money Laundering in Rwanda nor has the prosecution ever submitted a case in the courts at least to pave the prosecutorial strategy in the cases of money laundering. This work is of its own and has been reviewed by well-known professors in the domain, namely, Prof Lovell Fernandez, the Director of South African Germany Center for Transnational Criminal Justice.

The purpose of this paper is to share the experience of those directly involved in drafting the new national school infrastructure standards and guidelines for Rwanda.

The process that was followed in Rwanda, the successes, and the challenges to overcome are reported from the field experience of those involved in the process.

Despite a devastating genocide in 1994 and faced with continual underdevelopment and resource challenges, the commitment of Rwandans to safe and quality education illustrates how much can be achieved.

The focus of the work in Rwanda was practical, yet this paper reports fundamental data from the field which are analysed within wider contexts.

Rwanda is making progress towards its medium‐term education goals, based on international standards and agreements. The lessons can apply to other locations to avoid some of the pitfalls that Rwanda experienced.

If progress towards safe and quality education in Rwanda continues at the same pace for the next several years, then the country will have a baseline educated population from which to continue the efforts towards development.

The case study of Rwanda is relatively unique in the literature. The process followed is fairly standard for development work, but has value in indicating that it can be successful, especially with regards to inclusiveness, in a post‐political violence context.

African leaders recognise that development of the continent depends on higher education and research. To that effect, the Africa Union (AU) and New Economic Partnership for Africa Development (NEPAD) have recommended that 1per cent of GDP by each African state should be spent on Research and Experimental Development (R&D) in order to support peace, stability, better governance and economic growth. However, higher education provision in Africa is mainly for undergraduate students. Postgraduate provision, research and knowledge transfer remain largely under. In the case of Rwanda, Higher Education Policy is very clear that development of the higher education institutions forms the foundation for applying scientific and technology for development. Already in 2010 Rwanda higher education institutions have nearly 1,200 teaching staff with Masters degrees needing PhD training urgently. Training aboard is very costly and just a few can be trained over a long period and contributes to brain drain. Also the enrolment expansion at undergraduate level is imminent requiring massive increases in lecturers with PhD and Masters level qualifications. The National University of Rwanda plans to set‐up large scale PhD programs in 6 disciplines and 3 multidisciplinary themes. The aim is to train in an intensified, diversified and streamlined fashion, future lecturers and researchers who would contribute to filling the skills gaps in Rwanda HE Sector and R&D Institutions. By 2023, it is envisaged that 4,300 Masters, 1,500 PhD and 300 Post Doctoral students will be enrolled at NUR. It is planned that PhD student supervision will be done jointly between NUR staff and the most experienced staff from the external universities. PhD and Post‐doctoral students, local and external supervisors will write joint publications over 60 per cent focusing on solving Rwanda development problems. It is recommended that the government should invest in PhD training and Research from public expenditure and Rwanda Private sector.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the context, the concept and the main types of social enterprises in Rwanda, and to present its main institutional and contextual trajectories.

The author carried out a literature review and interviews. Six categories were identified; each one is illustrated by one emblematic case.

The paper presents the evolution of economically oriented social organizations in Rwanda, mostly under the form of cooperatives and NGOs and with inspiration from traditional forms of mutual help. The context of emergence of social enterprise in Rwanda was shaped, among other factors, by Anglo-Saxon influence. Other factors include notably the aftermath of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, the current governance prevailing in the country and the current entrepreneurships trends. The paper also underlines the absence of research on the subject in Rwanda. Six categories of social enterprises in Rwanda and their main features have been identified and analyzed, namely, NGOs, cooperatives, informal organizations, social entrepreneurs, public/private partnerships and companies carrying out social activities. Finally, the paper analyzes the institutional and contextual trajectories of social enterprise in Rwanda.

The paper explores and provides insights into the specificities and the current trends of social enterprise in Rwanda with a view to fostering further analysis for several research avenues.

The purpose of this paper is three‐fold: to extend the scope of postcolonial theory to organizational analysis; to extend the scope of organizational analysis to the study of supranational organizations; and to examine the impact of postcolonial organizational thought on the conception and treatment of the Rwandan people.

Organizational (in)action, both prior to and during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, is subjected to postcolonial organizational analysis.

It is shown that so‐called global organizational relations are mediated by supranational organizations, such as the United Nations, whose organizational structuring and practices are rooted in imperialist and postcolonial thinking.

It is recognised that the account of events presents an alternative but partial history of events in Rwanda.

The response to genocide in Rwanda by the global community represents a challenge to the promise of globalization, which posits that multinational organizational integration based on mutual interest is achievable.

The paper destablizes the notion of globalization and global cooperation by raising questions about the asymmetrical contexts in which supranational organizations operate.

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the Rwandan government’s anti-corruption strategy and identify lessons for policymakers in other countries.

This paper relies on materials obtained from the Rwandan government, from websites, research reports, press articles and publications as well as interviews with scholars, with Rwandan government officials, and the staff of non-governmental organizations.

The Rwandan government formulates and implements its anti-corruption efforts via donors’ governance support and homegrown initiatives. Corruption has been minimized by eradicating opportunities for misconduct and by focusing on governance reforms and maintaining a zero-tolerance policy against corruption. Political will and strong leadership, the active role played by the anti-corruption agency, and effective governance reform have made Rwanda’s anti-corruption activities successful.

This paper is a scholarly examination of the Rwandan government’s anti-corruption strategy.

Rwanda established a deinstitutionalization program to end institutional care and transition to family-based care for children. Part of their program involved training local volunteers in an evidence-based, trauma-informed caregiving model, Trust-Based Relational Intervention (TBRI), to provide education, support and TBRI training to caregivers who reunited or adopted children from institutional care in Rwanda. This study aims to describe the process of disseminating a trauma-informed intervention, TBRI, as part of the national deinstitutionalization program in Rwanda.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten lay social workers about Rwanda’s care reform and their experience using TBRI. A phenomenological approach was used to qualitatively analyze the interviews.

Analysis revealed five themes centered on the usefulness and universality of TBRI, the power of community in meeting the needs of children and youth and the importance of connection in supporting children who have experienced institutional care.

A global call to end institutional care and shift to family-based care for children has organizations, governments and experts seeking pathways to implement care reform. Although care reform is a complex process, Rwanda created and implemented a deinstitutionalization program focused on spreading the message of care reform and providing sustainable support for caregivers and families.

In the early 1990s, the single-party regime of the Mouvement Révolutionnaire Nationale pour le Développement (MRND), headed by President Juvénal Habyarimana, came under growing pressure both internally and externally. Rwanda experienced widespread destitution and famine as state revenues from coffee exports fell from an annual US $144 million in 1985 to a mere US $30 million in 1993 (Debiel, 2003, p. 166). A Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), imposed upon Rwanda by the Bretton Woods institutions in September 1991, was largely irrelevant, if not conducive, to the rising impoverishment of the Rwandan people (Chossudovsky, 1994, p. 21). Between 1989 and 1993, the proportion of the population consuming less than 1,000 calories a day doubled from 15 percent to 31 percent (Maton, 1994).

The social categories “Hutu” and “Tutsi” have long been central to Rwandan politics, though never more so than during the 1994 genocide, when they formed the ultimate divide: kill (Hutu) or be killed (Tutsi). Since then, the Rwandan government has sought to eliminate these categories and replace them with a new, national identity category of “Rwandan.” This chapter draws on theories of state symbolic power and legibility to analyze how top-down projects of remaking Rwandans are being received from below. Specifically, we examine ordinary Rwandans' responses to gacaca, a community justice practice central to the state's National Unity and Reconciliation Program, and find Rwandans resent efforts to “unmake race” in favor of “nation” because the state's account of genocide in gacaca does not allow them to sincerely express their experiences; it activates traumatic pasts for what they feel is superficial national reconciliation; and it detracts from their material needs. These findings highlight the importance of distinguishing between compliance and conviction in research on state efforts to transform civilian subjectivities. They also suggest directions for further research. Namely, future research on state symbolic power should attend to how individual experiences with violence mediate top-down efforts at remaking civilian subjectivities, to how different forms of governance shape civilian resistance to state categorization and classification projects, and to what kinds of interests are likely to motivate people to alter their self-perceptions. We conclude by arguing for more work on state race and nation-making from the perspectives of its targets.