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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impacts of left Brazilian political parties and partisan disruption on the homicide rate in Brazil.

The authors use panel data for the states between the years 1980 and 2011. The database used is an unbalanced panel covering a sample of 27 Brazilian states over 32 years, 1980-2011, totaling about 855 observations.

It is estimated that these two political factors are sources that have connection to the increased level of violence in Brazil. These analyses provide several important results. First, partisan disruption is associated with a higher homicide rate, compared to non-partisan disruption. The results from the panel also suggest that left-parties in government have a positive impact on homicide, compared to non-left-parties.

Information regarding premeditated homicides (CID-BR-9 database) is available for all Brazilian states, and may be tabulated from the same micro-data at any level of aggregation. Some of the well-known problems regarding the choice of this variable are as follows. First, deaths resulting from wounds are sometimes included in the statistics whether wounds were intentionally inflicted or not. In addition, some incidents end up not being registered because certain deaths are not reported. This tends to occur more frequently in rural areas. Fortunately, this second problem does not appear to be too significant, as under-registry of deaths due to external causes is much lower than the amount resulting from natural causes (see, e.g. Cano and Santos, 2000). In addition, this problem may be controlled if under-registry remains stable over time by applying fixed effects to the panel data.

The main Brazilian political parties diverge on the causes of crime and how criminals should be punished. For example, in Brazil, the minimum age for one individual to be punished with imprisonment is 18 years old. Practices crimes for young people between 12 and 18 implies only in socio-educational measures. Given the high level of violence in Brazil, there is a bill being debated in the parliament that proposes to reduce the age to 16 years. Based on the research, 90 percent of the population approves the reduction of age to 16 years. However, the majority of parliament is opposed to changing the law. In general, the more conservative parties are favorable to changing the law.

These divergent postures can be associated with the ideological essence or to belief system of each political party. Political parties have the potential capacity of changing crime trends through economic and social policies as well as by applying stronger sanctions against crime. Given the law enforcement system, the cycle of crime in Brazil may be related to the profile of the political party elected.

The authors assume the hypothesis that the current Brazilian multi-partisan system has an incentive system in which politicians do not respond adequately to the basic wishes of voters. Among such desires, the authors emphasize public safety. This paper evaluates the empirical effect of partisan disruption on homicide rate.

The purpose of this paper is discussing on cross-city empirical economic growth, by estimating an unbalanced dynamic panel for the most vulnerable region of Brazil.

The authors propose including additional and specific sources of cross-city variation, enabling them to capture the essence and reality of this region. The sample selection is given by the solution of a trade-off on the number of cities and the available explanatory variables. Considering the final choice, the analysis is based on 6,452 observations extracted from a sample of 925 cities between 2009 and 2015. Reconciling the regional growth literature and this availability of observable data, the authors decide to explain cross-city real gross domestic product per capita in log, controlling for its lagged value besides 15 explanatory variables on human capital, financial system, business environment and social infrastructure.

This study uses growth drivers on human capital, financial system, business environment and social infrastructure. Considering 6,452 observations for the period from 2009 to 2015, this study finds a significant role played by the levels of education of formal workers, rural financing, real estate financing and FIRJAN indices (health and employment).

A more comprehensive and complete understanding of cross-city variation, whether in the Northeast, in the North of the country or in other regions, involves the expansion of growth drivers in the model. Certainly, the impact of the industrial sector (not captured by the FIRJAN employment/income index), or programs and initiatives geared to technology, must be significant and positive. Despite the low market share, the insertion of microcredit data for informal, small business owners and more underserved families, can bring insights not measured in this article.

On financial system and development: The results on the significant and positive coefficient of rural and real estate financing are fundamental in conducting public policies aimed at granting credit. On human capital: The expected and intuitive relevant role of education suggests that good policies that are implementable need to be looked for and replicated to other northeastern cities. The state of Ceará seems to be that benchmark to be followed by the other states.

Another public policy that needs to be strengthened so that the most vulnerable cities can grow is related to the partnership with the private sector in the expansion and maintenance of basic sanitation. In this context, the new Legal Framework for Basic Sanitation is an important step. Its main objective is to universalize and qualify the provision of services in the sector. Theoretically, it seems to be an important advance and this also unlocks the first big wave of investments.

The analysis aims to contribute to the recent studies on regional growth applied to Brazil. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is an innovative contribution, and the main differences between this paper and the others are the sample of cities, the period, the growth model and the estimation technique. For instance, Da Mata et al. (2005, 2007) explore population growth and its implications for economic dynamics and income generation among 123 urban agglomerations between 1970 and 2000. Alves (2021) studied slum growth in contemporary urbanization of households in 272 Brazilian cities from 1991 to 2010.

IN The verdict of you all, Rupert Croft‐Cooke has some uncomplimentary things to say about novel readers as a class, which is at least an unusual look at his public by a practitioner whose income for many years was provided by those he denigrates.