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This chapter presents a discussion and an analysis of the literature on nationalization of international business. National governments have justified the expropriation and nationalization of the operations of foreign multinational in their jurisdiction based on the social responsibilities as welfare providers, and safeguarding the short- and long-term interest of their citizens.

There are multiple studies that show the processes and impacts of nationalizations and privatizations (also called denationalizations) worldwide. This chapter analyses specific cases to the light of existing international business literature and proposes prepositions for future studies.

This chapter presents an analysis where theories of internationalization could be used to analyze specific advantages of States and domestic investors when assuming ownership of operations of international business in their national territory.

The context, processes, and consequences of nationalization of foreign firms historically, economically, and politically have generally a correlation either with political changes, and macroeconomic scenarios related to scarcity and uncertainty in the international market of extractive industries, or with nationalistic political views in national governments.

The transformations in the existing forms of governmentality and power regimes are deeply rooted within the political economy of advanced neoliberalism, having profound implications in the governance matrix. The new rationalities and instrumentalities of governance involve ‘governing without government’ (Rhodes, 1996) following the delegitimisation and deconstruction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the gradual enactment of what Jessop (2002) calls the Schumpeterian Competition State. This chapter throws open the play field for competing standpoints on governing the mega corporates. Various theorists consider that there is emptiness within the existing global regulatory armoury concerning the operational activities of TNCs. The convolution of ‘steering’ in this poly-centred, globalised societies with its innate uncertainty makes it tricky to keep an eye on the fix of ‘who actually steers whom’ and ‘with what means’. There also appears to be huge disinclination to spot systemic technical description of the evolving modern institutional structure of economic regulation in a composite and practical manner. Thus, the complexity of international issues, their overlapping nature and the turmoil within the arena in which they surface defy tidy theorizing about effective supervision.

This brings in the wider questions dealt with in the chapter – Is globalisation then a product of material conditions of fundamental technical and economic change or is it collective construct of an artifact of the means we have preferred to arrange political and economic activity? The new reflexive, self-regulatory and horizontal spaces of governance are getting modelled following the logic of competitive market relations whereby multiple formally equal actors (acting or aspiring to act as sources of authority) consult, trade and compete over the deployment of various instruments of authority both intrinsically and in their relations with each other (Shamir, 2008). The chapter also looks into these messy and fluid intersections to situate the key actors at the heart of processes of ‘rearticulation’ and ‘recalibration’ of different modes of governance which operates through a somewhat fuzzy amalgamation of the terrain by corporates, state hierarchy and networks all calibrating and competing to pull off the finest probable’s in metagovernance landscape. Unambiguously, this chapter seeks to elaborate on an institutional-discursive conceptualization of governance while stitching in and out of the complex terrain a weave of governances for modern leviathan – the global corporates.

The purpose of this chapter is to outline the rationale for and approach to enhancing community participation in traffic safety initiatives. It describes a process that practitioners can use to engage members of the public in the development of community-based solutions to traffic safety problems. The approach used draws on contemporary social theory, historical antecedents, and demonstrated best practices for effective engagement efforts.

The implications of the ideas developed in this chapter include the need for traffic safety and related agencies to develop and deploy new or expanded capacities as they implement community-level traffic safety initiatives. One such capacity is the development of greater interdisciplinary understanding of sociopolitical dynamics that support and/or inhibit the effectiveness of behavior change efforts. Another is the ability to employ practical participatory processes that engage community members so as to draw out the tacit but critical knowledge about barriers to and avenues for supporting behavior change strategies. These increase the likelihood of developing traffic safety strategies that are effective within the specific and unique culture of each community.

The tension between the United States and China has not ended, despite the lengthy negotiations carried out in 2019 to appease differences and decrease protectionism over the technology industry, since the trade war was producing devastating consequences for both powers and international trade. The resurgence of tension is due to two main factors, such as mutual accusations about who is to blame for the origin of COVID-19 and the use of the new 5G mobile technology by Chinese companies like ZTE and Huawei. We developed an in-depth analysis of the consequences on international prices of the technology industry and international trade due to the reappearance of the trade conflict between China and the United States. This analysis will be carried out through the application of economic theories. There is greater distrust in the technology sector, and this produces a variation in the price of the technology industry. Likewise, according to Marshall's law of demand and supply, this effect can be explained more accurately; since there was a lower demand for technological products, the digital industry will have to lower its prices to generate income.

When and how did modern rankings emerge? This paper aims to answer that question by taking a closer look at the history of American baseball. In the 1870s, baseball was the first team sport to introduce a competitive system, the league, that determined the champion based on teams’ overall number of wins and losses. The in-depth analysis of the baseball discourse from the 1850s to the 1870s shows that leagues were introduced as a solution to a specific problem: how to identify deserving champions that had proved their ability again and again over the course of a season. The rising awareness of this problem was due to a shift in the baseball discourse of the 1860s, which established a new, statistical understanding of athletic achievement that demanded consistency of performance together with an acceptance that even champions lose a game once in a while. Rankings and other statistics, based on constant scoring of individual plays and increasingly sophisticated methods, helped institutionalize this new understanding of achievement and, in so doing, made the introduction of the league system possible. Moreover, the league system proved to be dependent on rankings – in the form of league tables – that made it possible to observe and experience the championship race, making rankings an essential element of modern competitive sports. Given that today’s rankings apply similar ideas of achievement to other fields (e.g., the “excellence” of universities), the story draws attention to the history of a specific imaginary of achievement that transcends the field of sports and should be studied more widely to understand the institutionalization of rankings in other fields.

This chapter presents an exploratory study of specific experiences among Central Asian grandparents who adopt and raise their firstborn grandchild as their own youngest child. The practice, referred to as ‘nebere aluu’, is deemed an ethnonational tradition of the Kyrgyz and Kazakh people and appears to be widely accepted among men and women, young and old. Drawing on in-depth interviews with grandparents themselves, I describe this phenomenon as situated within and dynamically responding to the shifting social, economic and political context of contemporary Central Asia. Drastic transformations in the everyday lives, while destabilizing and disorienting, may have supplanted nebere aluu with unique significance. Contemporary expressions of nebere aluu point to it being a complex social system of intergenerational reciprocal care, continuity and responsibility that provides a meaningful space for reconciling conflicting ideas about family, marriage, love and child-rearing. This discursive space is open for debate and negotiations and raises important questions about power and gender politics inherent to it.

Very occasionally a movement is born which is so timely and relevant it is clear that it will make an enduring impression on our attitudes and institutions. In the autumn of 1980, just over a year after the General Election which brought to power the first British woman Prime Minister, the 300 Group was formed to encourage, in all possible ways, the increased participation of women in electoral politics. The name was intended to suggest that since there are 635 M.P.s in the British House of Commons and women are half the electorate, there should in justice be roughly 300 women in the House. The election in 1979 of Mrs. Thatcher and a Cabinet bereft but for herself of women ministers, served to high‐light the position of women at Westminster. Figures which hitherto had apparently only interested a few academics — on the numbers of women candidates and of women representatives over time — suddenly became common knowledge and no newspaper or magazine at the time was complete without its piece on the women — or lack of women — in politics. The figures are indeed compelling. In spite of the woman at the top, the General Election of 1979 in Britain produced only nineteen women out of the 635 members of Parliament — that is, slightly under 3%. This was in fact the worst result for women for nearly thirty years, but in the intervening time, the heights they had reached were hardly giddy. Never had a 5% representation been achieved and during the whole of the 50's, 60's and early 70's the figure stayed mainly around 3–4%. This grim situation was compounded by the fact that for the last five elections, the number of women standing as candidates had gone up each time, yet with no equivalent increase in the numbers of women elected but rather a clear fall in the 1979 total (2.9%) over that of October, 1974 (4.3%).

The purpose of this paper is to design a model‐based robust controller for autonomous hovering of a small‐scale helicopter.

The model is developed using prediction error minimization (PEM) system identification method implemented to flight data. Based on the extracted linear model, an H_∞ controller is synthesized for robustness against parametric uncertainties and disturbances.

The proposed techniques for modelling provide a linear state‐space model which correlates well with the recorded flight data. The synthesized H_∞ controller demonstrates an effective performance which rejects both sinusoidal and step input disturbances. The controller enables the attitude angle follow the reference target while keeping the attitude rate constant about zero for hover flight condition.

The synthesized controller is effective for hovering and low‐speed flight condition.

This work provides an efficient hovering/low‐speed autonomous helicopter flight control required in many civilian UAV applications such as aerial surveillance and photography.

The paper addresses the challenges of controlling a small‐scale helicopter during hover with inherent modelling uncertainties and disturbances.