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This article aims to elaborate the context-sensitive nature of credibility assessment by examining how such judgments are made in online discussion in times of uncertainty caused by Finland's intent to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in spring 2022.

The empirical findings draw on the qualitative content analysis of 3,324 posts submitted to a Finnish online discussion in February–March 2022. It was examined how the participants of online discussion assess the credibility of information sources referred to in debates on the NATO membership. It is assumed that the believability of the author of information is indicative of his or her expert power, for example based on the credentials of a scholar, while the credibility of information content, for example the provision of factual evidence is indicative of the source's informational power.

Political decision-makers, particularly the President of Finland were assessed as most credible information sources, due to their access to confidential knowledge and long-time experience in politics. The credibility assessments differed more strongly while judging the believability of researchers. On the one hand, their expertise was praised; on the other hand, doubts were presented about their partiality. Fellow participants of online discussion were assessed most negatively because information sources of these types are associated with low expert and informational power.

As the study concentrated on credibility assessments made in a Finnish online discussion group, the findings cannot be extended to concern the credibility judgments occurring information in other contexts.

The study is among the first to characterize the role of expert and informational power in credibility assessment in times of uncertainty.

To protect the environment and society, research on responsible behavior and personal values has increased. Values have been identified as important for understanding and predicting environmental preservation behaviors. The purpose of this study is to analyze the validity and reliability of the Environmental Portrait Value Questionnaire in the Spanish context.

The new version of this questionnaire was administered to 742 university students (46.4% male and 53.6% female) from 16 regions in Spain.

The results of adapting and testing the instrument’s psychometric properties were consistent with accepted criteria for validity and reliability. Therefore, this updated and contextualized instrument has the potential to contribute to academic advances in the sense of expanding the empirical practice of studying environmental values. Fifteen items from the original version were retained, grouped into four factors as in the original version: Altruistic – five items; Egoistic – four items; Biospheric – three items; and Hedonic – three items. The final version showed adequate fit indices and reliability measures.

This instrument is a powerful resource for the Spanish academic community because using this application it will be possible to assess the degree of commitment of young adults to the goals of sustainability and environmental protection.

This study aims to discover the role of accounting and media in hegemonic discourse for divestment valuation of PT Freeport Indonesia shares.

This study employs data from 608 news articles from 5 national media. This study uses Gramsci's concept of hegemony and Laclau and Mouffe's hegemonic discourse to explore the ideological role of accounting in the formation of historical blocs and investigate the contestants' discursive strategies through the chains of equivalence and difference.

The incumbent presidential candidate, by involving political and intellectual actors, has succeeded in taking over and shifting PT Freeport Indonesia's hegemony to maintain its power, through the ideology of divestment and accounting. The media played a role in the victory of the pro-divestment bloc in the hegemonic divestment discourse contest. The pro-divestment bloc's discursive strategy uses more formal and technical language styles than the anti-divestment bloc, which uses informal language styles. The pro-divestment bloc uses the key signifiers of low price, improved financial performance, nationalization and welfare, as opposed to the anti-divestment bloc, with the key signifiers of high price, declining financial performance and neoliberalist colonization.

The implications of this research may encourage accounting academics to contribute to emancipatory social movements in the struggle for hegemony. The implication for policy makers is the importance of involving the public, intellectual actors, political actors and the media in supporting diverse state strategic policies in the national interest.

This paper contributes to Gramsci's theory of hegemony and Laclau and Mouffe's hegemonic discourse to understand the role of accounting and media in a nationalization project as an emancipatory social movement, as well as a hegemonic shifting political movement.

This paper aims to evaluate the impact of intellectual capital in terms of human capital, structural capital and capital employed on the financial performance of Islamic and conventional banks in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries.

Along with the measurement discussion, the empirical analysis examines the relationship between intellectual capital measured through value-added intellectual coefficient (VAIC) and the financial performance of banks in the GCC states by conducting a panel of six GCC countries, including 24 Islamic banks and 32 conventional banks covering 2012–2020 period.

This paper shows that while Islamic banks have similar VAIC, human capital efficiency and capital employed efficiency results to conventional banks, Islamic banks have lagged behind conventional banks regarding the impact of structural capital on financial performance. It is argued that this is in contradiction with Islamic ontology and epistemology, which essentialises intellectual capital formation.

Islamic banks should promote research and development for their intellectual capital at the product, operational and institutional levels, as Islamic banking is considered an alternative financing method, incorporating a new form of knowledge-based institutions inspired by capitalist institutions.

This study conducts a comparative examination of the intellectual capital performance and its impact on financial performance by using interaction variables to capture any differences between Islamic banks and conventional banks in the GCC countries. The paper also considers the knowledge economy impact as a novelty, which is prominent for the GCC countries. In addition, Islamic ontology’s essentialisation of knowledge and its articulation in the form of intellectual capital within modern understanding is widely discussed, as part of originality. Finally, the findings are located within Islamic ontology and epistemology.

Recent academic work on leadership has focused largely on organizational leadership. This study takes a close look at political leadership, especially that given to popular movements, and delineates a new model of transformational leadership.

The current study borrows models from organizational leadership research and applies them to a specific case study to reveal critical concepts underlying transformational leadership. Application of these models to Bangladesh's founding father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, during the two decades of the 1950 and 1960s, shows potential for a new flexible framework for transformational leadership with added significance on leader–follower relatedness, socio-historical context and charisma.

This study presents clear evidence on the nature of leadership in popular movements and using a specific case study elucidates that movements pick leaders who meet distinct criteria specific to the movement, including a vision that resounds with key follower-groups and prototypicality.

This study presents a new lens under which political and popular leadership can be studied, focusing away from person, political party or rational choice and voting behavior-based ideas of political leadership.

The findings reveal the importance of seeking new ways to fit leadership theory with burgeoning social phenomenon.

Social enterprises are embedded in ecosystems with multiple actors interested in the field’s growth. One way to enhance social enterprises is through public policies and developing countries like Brazil included this in the public agenda. After an important mobilization of private organizations and public managers, the Brazilian federal government implemented in 2017 the National Impact Investment and Business Strategy (ENIMPACTO) renamed in 2023 to National Impact Economy Strategy with the same abbreviation. Since its creation, ENIMPACTO saw significant modifications leading to a decree in 2023 extending its mandate, amplifying membership and changing its name to the National Impact Economy Strategy while maintaining the same acronym. This experience leads us to the following question: How was ENIMPACTO created and developed?

We used institutional arrangements and advocacy coalition theory to analyze the key elements that contributed to ENIMPACTO’s creation and its evolution through time. A qualitative, single-case study on the Brazilian experience implementing ENIMPACTO was conducted through semi-structured interviews with national strategy members, participant observation, document and data analysis.

We argue that advocacy coalition and institutional arrangements frameworks combined are needed to understand Enimpacto’s complexity. The strategy presented an extensive multiple-actor articulation involving shared beliefs that were also important to gather support on recreating and expanding Enimpacto when external events threatened its continuity. Yet, it presented important challenges on how to achieve consensus and alignment regarding important concepts and regulation strategy among the actors and manage the public policy governance and activities implementation.

We combine institutional arrangements and advocacy coalition frameworks and apply them to analyze a public policy composed of actors of multiple sectors that play an active advocacy coalition role. We also present empirical evidence that elements of the advocacy coalition framework add analytical elements to institutional arrangements literature and how they affect each other. We point to two important elements of the institutional arrangements framework (territoriality and subsidiarity) that were not initially considered by ENIMPACTO and were later incorporated because of tensions in the field. We provide empirical evidence of the incipient role that public administration can play in promoting social enterprises' agenda that might base similar strategies to boost social enterprises in other locations.

This essay engages with scholarship on history as a discipline, curriculum documents and academic and public commentary on the teaching of history in Australian, British and Canadian secondary contexts to better understand the influence of the tension between political pressure and disciplinary practice that drives the history wars in settler-colonial nations, how this plays out in secondary history classrooms and the ramifications this may have on students' democratic dispositions.

This article aims to compare secondary history curricula and pedagogies in Australia, Britain and Canada to better articulate and conceptualise the influence of the “history wars” over the teaching of national histories upon the intended and enacted curriculum and how this contributes to the formation of democratic dispositions within students. A conceptual model, drawing on the curriculum assessment of Porter (2006) and Gross and Terra's definition of “difficult pasts” has been developed and used as the basis for this comparison. This model highlights the competing influences of political pressure upon curriculum creation and disciplinary change shaping pedagogy, and the impact these forces may have upon students' experience.

The debate around what content students learn, and why, is fraught because it is a conversation about what each nation values and how they construct their own national identity(ies). This is particularly timely when the democratic self-identification of many nations is being challenged. The seditious conspiracy to storm the US Capitol on 6 January 2021, Orban's “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and the neo-Nazis in Melbourne, Australia are examples of the rise of anti-democratic sentiment globally. Thus, new consideration of how we teach national histories and the impact this has on the formation of democratic dispositions and skills is pressing.

The new articulation of a conceptual model for the impact of the history wars on education is an innovative synthesis of wide-ranging research on: the impacts of neoliberalism and cultural restorationism upon the development of intended curriculum; discipline-informed inquiry pedagogies used to enact the curriculum; and the teaching of national narratives as a political act. This comprehensive comparison of the ways in which history education in settler-colonial nations has developed over time provides new insight into the common elements of national history education, and the role this education can play in developing democratic dispositions.

This paper aims to explore the relationship between ethical self-fashioning and citizenship practices in the ongoing revival of “Chinese Traditional Culture” pursued in tandem by the party-state and by private actors in present-day China.

Adopting an anthropological approach, the author draws from three sets of resources: (1) research literature on China’s political history and key texts of early Chinese thought, (2) contemporary state discourses on citizen formation, and (3) participant observation notes and interviews with organizers and followers of the Wu-Wei School (a pseudonym). The author conducts a textual analysis of primary and secondary literature and a critical discourse analysis of the ethnographic data and examines emerging themes.

Firstly, the author identifies a crucial dimension in the historical and cultural roots of Chinese citizenship practices: an enduring conception that binds individual ethical self-improvement with socio-political flourishing. Secondly, examining contemporary state discourses on “citizen quality” and “reviving China’s outstanding traditional culture”, the author showcases how party-state authorities call on individuals to self-reform for national rejuvenation. Thirdly, the author investigates how members of the Wu-Wei School construe their individual pursuits of ethical self-improvement as significant for societal progress.

Based on these findings, the author demonstrates the ways in which autochthonous conceptions of Chinese citizenship give a central place to private acts of self-fashioning. The author argues that the entanglement between individual ethics and citizenship practices constitutes a crucial but largely understudied dimension of Chinese citizenship.

Explaining the sources of the differences in social performance among Islamic banks (IBs) is the motivation for this research. Consequently, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the development of Islamic finance regulation, the development of an Islamic financial system, the proportions of affected Muslim populations and the level of competition, on the one hand, and the social performance of IBs, on the other. To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first study that investigates the impact of the development of regulation and the Islamic financial system on the social performance of IBs.

A balanced panel of annual data for 40 banks from 13 countries is applied, spanning 2012–2018. A social performance index with eight dimensions is constructed and measures the social performance of IBs. The index based on qualitative and quantitative data derives from IBs’ annual reports and financial statements. The linear scaling transformation method articulates the quantitative dimensions of the index. In hypotheses testing, the authors use OLS, LSDV, FEM and Random Effect Model to estimate Model (1) and panel-corrected standard errors with Prais–Winsten transformation to estimate Model (2).

This unique research confirms the positive impact of the development of Islamic finance regulation on the social performance of IBs. The results show that the development of Islamic finance regulation is consistently significant on all standard significance levels. IBs’ age and the presence of Muslim populations in the country are also significant in most estimators.

The results of this research highlight a significant value for regulators, shareholders and the management of IBs. Without proper regulation, these banks can hardly operate under the principles and expectations of the Islamic moral economy.

This is pioneering research that explores the development of Islamic finance regulation and market concentration as a determinant of social performance of IBs. Development of Islamic finance regulation has proved significant in all estimated models, which confirms that a new variable has been discovered among determinants of the social performance of IBs.

This study scrutinizes the convergence between commercial advertising and the political vision of social movement in media advertisements. This study deliberates how commercial advertisement could be compatible with movement discourses and social resistance. Such hybridization between commercial narration and movement discourses is different from political advertising sponsored by political and civic organizations. This study uses an advertising campaign in Hong Kong which expressed outcry against police search on an outspoken media as a case study to conceptualize advertising activism with the thematic analysis of the movement discourses shown in printed advertisements. This study aims to engage with scholarly dialogue surrounding social movement studies and discuss how movement discourses could hybridize with commercial advertisement.

This study examines the discourses and textual features of an advertising campaign initiated by the public instead of political elites and social movement organizations in Hong Kong, in which various individual citizens, anonymous participants, business enterprises and civic organizations expressed their anger over a police search against an outspoken media (Apple Daily) by Hong Kong police. This bottom-up advertising campaign shows how the narration of commercial advertising could be hybridized with the activism for social resistance, which is conceptualized as advertising activism in this paper.

Based on the textual features and discourses embedded in the advertisements, this study investigates the printed advertisements mushroomed in Apple Daily since the police search in August 2020 by the thematic analysis under the concept of advertising activism: frame construction, identities mobilization and decentered solidarity. Advertising activism differs from commercial and political advertising from two ways. Firstly, its advertisements are cosponsored by numerous nonpolitically well-known individuals or organizations. Secondly, advertising activism feature with hybridization between commercial narration and political or movement discourses. Discourses of advertising activism aim to mobilize the commercial identity of consumers for noncommercial means by their consumption behaviors.

The findings illustrate a hybridization of commercial narration and movement discourses stemming from social movement and identity politics, which is coined by our conceptualization of advertising activism. While commercial and political advertising focus on business promotion and political messages, respectively, advertising activism demonstrates multiple layers of cultural meanings on the consumption behaviors which hybridize with political and movement discourses. The authors hope this study could unleash further intellectual dialogue on the social role of advertising in social movement and how movement discourses “spillover” from social events to the commercial advertisement.