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Using an ecological model of child participation and drawing on newsletter data from schools across the United States of America (USA), this chapter statistically explores five state factors linked with school protests against gun violence: (1) children’s neighbourhood opportunity; (2) race/ethnicity; (3) voter preference for either a Republican or a Democratic president; (4) child participation policies; and (5) gun laws/violence/ownership. The chapter explores factors linked to both student participation in protests and student nonparticipation in protests that take place at their schools. Three factors were found to be associated with participation and nonparticipation: children’s neighbourhood opportunity, voters’ preference, and participation policies. Findings suggest that Democratic-voting states, mediated by education opportunity, predict the frequency of student protests against gun violence. In Republican-voting states, where education opportunity does not mediate the frequency of school protests, students still organised and participated in protests but to a lesser extent. In addition, states with high overall children’s neighbourhood opportunity and voting student education board members are highly likely to have non-protesting students in schools with protests. The chapter presents five conclusions from these results for the positive and negative exercise of child participation rights and considers what further multilevel explorations can be done to further test the framework employed for this analysis.

The Child Friendly Cities Initiative (CFCI) is a UNICEF-led collective impact intervention aimed at promoting children’s rights at the city and community levels. The CFCI operationalizes the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) for local governments through a framework for action aimed at realizing the rights of young people under 18 years of age: (1) to be valued, respected and treated fairly; (2) to be heard; (3) to access social services; (4) to be safe; and (5) to participate in family, life, play and leisure. This chapter provides an historical analysis of the CFCI globally and in the United States, and how this intervention draws upon and advances sociological research on young people’s meaningful participation. We present three case studies to analyze young people’s participation in CFCIs and the lessons learned from Houston, Texas, Minneapolis, Minnesota, and San Francisco, California.

In this study, a novel framework was proposed to assess the trust in e-government (e-Gov) services under an uncertain environment. The proposed framework was applied in Iranian municipality websites of e-Gov services to evaluate the readiness score of trust in e-Gov services.

A unique hybrid research methodology was proposed. In the first phase, a comprehensive set of indices were determined from an extensive literature review and finalized by employing the fuzzy Delphi method. In the second phase, interval-valued intuitionistic fuzzy set (IVIFS) -was utilized to model the problem's uncertainty with analytic called IVIFS- hierarchy process (AHP) to determine the importance of indices and indicators by assigning the weights. In the third phase, the fuzzy evaluation method (FEM) is followed for assessing the readiness score of indices in case studies.

The findings indicated that “Trust in government” is the most significant index affecting citizen's trust in e-Gov services while “Maintenance and support” has the least impact on user's intention to use e–Gov services.

The study contributes by introducing a unique research methodology that integrates three phases, including fuzzy Delphi, IVIFS AHP and fuzzy evaluation method. Moreover, the fuzzy sets theory helps to reach a more accurate result by modeling the inherent ambiguity of indicators and indices. Interval-valued intuitionistic fuzzy models the ambiguity of experts' judgments in an interval.

The study helps policy makers to monitor wider aspects of trust in e-Gov services as well as understanding their importance. The study enables policy makers to apply the framework to any potential case studies to evaluate the readiness score of indices and recognizing strengths and weakness of trust dimensions as well as recommending advice for improving the situation.

The study is one of the few to indicate significant indices of trust in e-Gov services in developing countries. The study shows the importance of indicators and indices by assigning a weight. Additionally, the framework can assess the readiness score of various case studies.

The development of digital inclusive finance (DIF) has increased households' financial investments and consumption. However, few studies have considered whether DIF strengthens the substitution of household financial investment for consumption behavior. To clarify the relationship between DIF, household financial investment and household consumption behavior, the authors combine matched data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) and Peking University Digital Inclusive Finance Index (2011–2018) to explore the impact of DIF on household financial substitution. This study aims to discuss the aforementioned objectives.

This study's empirical analysis applies ordinary least squares (OLS) to answer how DIF affects household financial investment substitution for consumption. This study uses three approaches to examine the robustness of the benchmark regression model. These three approaches are replacing the core explanatory variables, using the lagged Digital Inclusive Finance Index and using the data of additional years. This article also assesses endogeneity by applying the instrumental variable method.

The results indicate that DIF significantly enhances household financial substitution. This article also assesses endogeneity by applying the instrumental variable method and robustness test methods. The impact mechanism test shows that DIF positively affects household financial substitution, by improving information dissemination efficiency and enhancing financial participation. Further research finds that the impact of DIF on household financial substitution is more pronounced in households with low to moderate savings rates, low to average income households and homes without family members who start their businesses.

This study analyzed the effect and mediating mechanisms of digital financial inclusion on household financial substitution. Like all studies, the research had some limitations. First, due to differences in culture and infrastructure development, people do not understand and judge economic behaviors, such as household financial investment and consumption, in the same way. It can lead to certain biases in their understanding and study responses. Second, the study is mainly based on data from China. Future studies should be extended to foreign countries for comparative analysis. Third, the development of DIF has not yet completed a full cycle, and many problems have not been fully identified.

This study provides some practical implication. First, the public sectors should effectively weigh the spending relationship between household financial investment and consumption. Second, the public sector should focus on the policy optimization and consistency of DIF. The public sector should both enhance the breadth of coverage and depth of impact of DIF and focus on long-tail groups to fully reflect the equity and inclusiveness of DIF.

This study responds to the discussion on the relationship between financial investment, saving and consumption games in household expenditures and enhances our understanding of how DIF affects households' complex economic behavior. The most revealing finding is that DIF reinforces the substitution of household financial investment for household consumption. DIF positively affects household financial substitution by improving the efficiency of information dissemination and increasing financial participation, which is a valid extension of the study on the mechanisms of information dissemination and financial participation in financial investment and consumption proposed.

Corruption perception is essential to study because it can shape people’s attitudes toward the government. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to address this key question: what factors are associated with a non-expert’s judgment of whether Canada is corrupt?

This study uses the World Value Survey conducted in Canada in October 2020. This survey is based on a nationally representative sample of a cross-section of adult Canadian residents, including Canadian citizens and permanent residents and those who are neither Canadian citizens nor permanent residents.

Based on this study, some conclusions can be made. First, people accessing corruption news from the traditional news media are less likely than those receiving information from the new media to perceive the state (in this case, Canada) as corrupt. Second, people who have less confidence in public institutions are more likely to perceive a country as corrupt. Third, people who participate in electoral and non-electoral forms of political participation are more likely to perceive the state and its public officials as corrupt. Fourth, regardless of which political party is in power, individuals who lean right politically are more likely than those on the left to perceive the state as corrupt. Finally, immigrants are less likely than those born in Canada to perceive the state as corrupt. This work enriches the literature on the substantive understanding of the factors associated with corruption perception.

Studies investigating factors associated with public perception of corruption tend to focus on developing countries. The current study contributes to filling this gap in knowledge by examining correlates of corruption perception in Canada. As a result, this study contributes to the literature on factors associated with corruption perception, especially in the developed country context.

A prime objective of the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan (SBA; Clean India Mission) is to motivate people to segregate their household waste. The purpose of this study is to assess the ground reality of waste management behaviour of Delhi residents with the help of a modified Value–Belief–Norm (VBN) model. Past researches point the need to include cost as a variable in the VBN model. This study fulfils this need and tests cost as one of the variables on the gathered data.

The research data were gathered by interacting with the people and the civic staff in the jurisdiction of the three Delhi municipalities through a stratified sampling technique (N = 250). The structural equation modelling was used to analyse the collected data.

The modified VBN model explains the waste management behaviour, but the variables do not follow the exact causal chain. Values, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility and personal norms all explain the resident's waste management behaviour. However, cost limits the resident's waste management behaviour.

The study could only achieve a moderate model fit; its sample size was small; and data were collected through self-reported questionnaire.

Three main practical implications of the study are: (1) While designing waste management solutions, due importance must be given to the cost to be borne by people for adopting these solutions. (2) Design such interventions that target residents' values to convince them to make the desired behavioural change. (3) People need be educated about the ways to sort waste and made aware of the importance of waste segregation in eradicating the urban waste mess.

The paper is an original contribution to testing a modified VBN model in predicting waste management behaviour. The modified model includes cost as a variable missing in the previous research. This research is useful in the backdrop of the SBA and provides suggestions for policymakers and pro-environment researchers.

Building upon social capital theoretical foundation, the principal purpose of present research is to construct a conceptual research model and uncover the intricate relationships between WeChat usage, social capital and civic participation behaviors among young people.

A large cross-sectional valid data from 1,238 young people in mainland China were gathered to examine the hypothesized research model. Descriptive analyses, correlation analysis and structural equation modeling (SEM) were sequentially undertaken to determine dynamic interrelationships among main constructs.

The empirical findings demonstrate that WeChat usage positively impacts young people's social interaction ties, the guanxi network and shared goals. Moreover, social interaction ties and shared goals are positively associated with their online civic engagement. Furthermore, the guanxi network is positively associated with both online and offline civic engagement.

Theoretically, this research is the first to explicitly explore the influence mechanism of WeChat use intensity on different dimensions of individual-level social capital and civic engagement. Practically, these obtained results can be beneficial to the comprehending of whether and how WeChat is a resource for social capital and civic involvement.

Despite mobile social media, especially WeChat, has achieved immense popularity in contemporary mainland China, the potential influence of this emerging technology use on individuals' differential dimensions of social capital and civic engagement has not been systematically investigated. The study may not only offer fresh insight into innovative features of WeChat but also contribute to broader controversies regarding the impact of mobile-mediated communication on individuals' daily civic lives.

This study explores the relationship between economic freedom and gender ideologies on the allocation of women’s opportunity-to-necessity entrepreneurship across countries. Opportunity entrepreneurship is typically understood as one’s best option for work, whereas necessity entrepreneurship describes the choice as driven by no better option for work. Specifically, we examine how economic freedom (i.e. each country’s policies that facilitate voluntary exchange) and gender ideologies (i.e. each country’s propensity for gendered separate spheres) affect the distribution of women’s opportunity-to-necessity entrepreneurship across countries.

We construct our sample by matching data from the following country-level sources: the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor’s Adult Population Survey (APS), the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom Index (EFI), the European/World Value Survey’s Integrated Values Survey (IVS) gender equality index, and other covariates from the IVS, Varieties of Democracy (V-dem) World Bank (WB) databases. Our final sample consists of 729 observations from 109 countries between 2006 and 2018. Entrepreneurial activity motivations are measured by the ratio of the percentage of women’s opportunity-driven total nascent and early-stage entrepreneurship to the percentage of female necessity-driven total nascent and early-stage entrepreneurship at the country level. Due to a first-order autoregressive process and heteroskedastic cross-sectional dependence in our panel, we estimate a fixed-effect regression with robust standard errors clustered by country.

After controlling for multiple macro-level factors, we find two interesting findings. First, economic freedom positively affects the ratio of women’s opportunity-to-necessity entrepreneurship. We find that the size of government, sound money, and business and credit regulations play the most important role in shaping the distribution of contextual motivations over time and between countries. However, this effect appears to benefit efficiency and innovation economies more than factor economies in our sub-sample analysis. Second, gender ideologies of political equality positively affect the ratio of women’s opportunity-to-necessity entrepreneurship, and this effect is most pronounced for efficiency economies.

This study offers one critical contribution to the entrepreneurship literature by demonstrating how economic freedom and gender ideologies shape the distribution of contextual motivation for women’s entrepreneurship cross-culturally. We answer calls to better understand the variation within women’s entrepreneurship instead of comparing women’s and men’s entrepreneurial activity. As a result, our study sheds light on how structural aspects of societies shape the allocation of women’s entrepreneurial motivations through their institutional arrangements.