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This chapter describes methodologies used in the project ‘Out-of-school activities and the education gap’. The project explored how the out-of-school environment affects children, whether it impacts on primary school attainment and whether it reinforces existing socioeconomic differences. A mixed-methods approach combined three areas of research: statistical analysis of the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) linked to the National Pupil Database (NPD); a qualitative study through interviews with key stakeholders in 10 schools in London and the North East and the articulation of theories of change for how out-of-school activities may affect attainment. Patterns in how children spend their time, and whether and how this affects attainment, were investigated by analysis of the MCS linked to the NPD. Qualitative research with parents, teachers, pupils and activity providers from schools in London and the North-East afforded an in-depth understanding of drivers and barriers influencing how children spend their time and pathways by which activities may affect children's learning and development. The qualitative research also provided a narrative intersectional analysis of responses in terms of class, gender, ethnicity, religion and disability. Mixing quantitative and qualitative research was made difficult by the volume of data and the time needed to analyse and report each area separately, the different nature of data in the three areas of research and the timing of each phase of data collection. However, meaningful combining of methods occurred at the level of research questions and contributed to a more critical analysis of children's out-of-school activities than had been possible before.

The phrase ‘out-of-school’ inherently refers to the whereabouts of learning. This chapter thus discusses the role of place in learning itself and in its research. The idea of place does not envelop only physical locations, but rather how these integrate with social dynamics, personal meanings and attachments and with the matter of power and inequalities. Reflecting on the case studies presented in the book, the chapter focusses on two issues. First, it considers what role place plays in the constitution of different forms of learning. It questions where ‘out-of-school’ learning actually takes place (at home, in the community, in other institutionalised environments) and how these places differ in terms of relationships between children and adults as well as among children themselves, in terms of materialities and embodied activities and in terms of rules and expectations facilitating the learning process. It also considers how places like home, community and school are connected, revealing patterns of power and agency that foster and transform children's learning experiences. Second, the chapter notes that place also influences the process of researching out-of-school learning, showing that researchers' emplacement is critical for the form and scope of knowledge research can produce. Examples in the chapter show the importance of where the research activities are located, where researchers engage with their participants, how their presence sits with the pre-existing power dynamics that constitute the place itself and how the question of emplacement has both epistemological and ethical implications in research on children's learning.

Building on the first cross-national study that had demystified various assumptions about the worldwide use of shadow education two decades ago, we analyze data from the 2012 Programme for International Student Assessment to examine the cross-national pattern of the use of shadow education by families in 64 nations and use improved statistical estimation methods. Focusing on fee-paying out-of-school classes, we find a continued, and likely an intensified pattern of the cross-national use of shadow education in the contemporary world. Approximately about one-third of all 15-year-old students from 64 countries/economies across the world use this form of shadow education. Students of higher socioeconomic status, females, and students in urban areas and general programs are more likely to use fee-paying services, while families and students turn to these services to address academic deficiencies in general. In addition, students from poorer countries more extensively rely on shadow education than students from wealthier countries after controlling for other variables. Students in South-Eastern and Eastern Asian countries are more likely to pursue shadow education than their counterparts in many other regions. Implications of these findings for theories of education and society as well as for educational policy in relation to shadow education are discussed.

Over the course of a two-year project, we set out to investigate the mathematics in children's everyday lives. We recognised the fact that this was a challenging project and that gaining access to children's personal lives would take time and some careful research design. A particular challenge centred on the difficulty of ensuring that our participants shared our understanding of ‘mathematics in everyday life’ and were happy and confident in sharing examples with us. In this chapter, we describe the way that we gradually increased the depth of our understanding of children's experience of mathematics outside of school through a series of studies with groups of primary school children. A structured diary study, and parental survey, allowed us to start a conversation with our participants about the kinds of activities we were interested in. A photo elicitation study then encouraged participants to cross the home-school boundary and share representations of their lives outside of school. These studies enabled us to develop enough of a shared language to carry out small group interviews with children and explore the mathematical thinking and learning in their out-of-school lives.

This chapter is about the modern (Western) educational regime, educational industry paradigm and schooling process, while focussing on statutorily imposed and legally enforced schooling as the main aspect of the hidden curriculum within a globalizing world.

It is about children's productive labour through schooling, whereby children's labour power is consumed, produced and reproduced on behalf of social formations under the capitalist mode of production (CMP).

The claim that a well-educated population is essential for development so that all societies share an interest in having children participate in schooling as much as possible is the central element of the Western education industry paradigm, the global appeal of which is reflected in how compulsory schooling has been embraced almost everywhere in conjunction with being heavily promoted within the ‘international community’ and widely endorsed by researchers, scholars and similar observers.

Contrary to Bowles and Gintis's correspondence principle, the structure of schooling is not an identical to the structure of the workplace in that it entails compulsion, whereby schooling is as efficient and effective as possible in meeting the needs of the CMP.

The CMP benefits from the state having shifted confinement as a mechanism to force people to work onto schooling; or, from compulsory social enclosure, whereby schools increasingly resemble military and prison systems.

Compulsory social enclosure helps to ensure that children's productive capacity – or labour power – is enhanced to the benefit of the CMP, this being the major factor in accounting for its appeal and advance on the world stage, globally.

This study examines a sharp decline of school attendance among white children in the Southern US after the Civil War. According to Census data, the school-attendance rate among whites in the Confederate states declined by almost half from 1860 to 1870, whereas the rate in Northern states was approximately stable. This shock left the South approximately three decades behind its antebellum trend. We account for little of this drop with household variables plausibly affected by the War. However, a select few county-level variables (notably the drop in wealth) explains around half of the decline, which suggests a systemic explanation. We adopt a model-based approach to decomposing the decline in schooling into demand versus supply factors. On the supply side, the region saw a decline in wealth and public resources, but we observe a stable relationship between time in school and literacy or adult occupation, which is not consistent with a contracting constraint on school quantity or quality. Nevertheless, further research is required to determine how much the contraction in school access affected attendance. On the demand-side, we present suggestive evidence of a decline in the return to school (measured by the relative wage of engineers to laborers). Relatedly, we see a “brain drain”: in longitudinally linked census samples, educated Southerners were more likely to migrate out of the South after the War.

The chapter will explore a collaborative theory of change approach that the authors used to evaluate three projects. The three projects worked with young people out of school in different ways to enable the young people to become agents of change in tackling the causes of alcohol misuse in their local Scottish communities. A theory of change approach provides a way of conceptualising programmes from inception, through to implementation and the evaluation of outcomes, in order to develop an understanding of how they work, for whom and in what circumstances. Using a collaborative model of this approach challenged prevailing notions of evaluation being the job of the evaluator and situated evaluation as a shared endeavour with the project staff. We outline the key attributes of such a collaborative model of theory of change and reflect on how this model can contribute to the evaluation of out-of-school activity.