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This study asks how American institutions of higher education defended the principles of academic freedom (or intellectual autonomy) during the 1950s, even as they became increasingly dependent on the federal government's financial support, their eligibility for which required an oath of political loyalty under the terms of the National Defense Education Act of 1958. Universities whose students or professors resisted the oath faced a dilemma of institutional governance as well as intellectual integrity during the early years of the Cold War.

The study draws on documentary and archival sources, including the Congressional Record, the AAUP Bulletin, student pamphlets, newspapers and other publications of the US federal government, and on secondary sources.

The author finds that the US federal government began to invest heavily in higher education during the 1950s, but financial support was often accompanied by political oversight. Higher education institutions and their professors struggled to reconcile a sense of responsibility for national service with a desire for academic freedom. The findings show how the federal government treated institutions of higher education and dealt with the issue of academic freedom during the Cold War.

This study draws on a large pool of primary sources and previous research to offer new insights into an enduring ideological tension between academic freedom, public service and financial patronage.

This chapter explores the impact of economic globalization on the country, the reduction of tax revenues, and a decline of our education system. The concept of globalization is explained and a concept is explored as how America can become more competitive with a superior public education system. I discuss prior options to improve public education No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act and the 1957 Education Defense Act as ways to improve education for a more diverse society. I provide evidence that the 40 year effort of using an under funded NCLB Project produced less than the Education Defense Act of 1957 because it attracted more and better qualified individuals to the profession. Globalization forces governments to reduce taxes on industries to help retain them in their states or just held home companies remain competitive. Finally, quality education is viewed as not an option but a must if this country wishes to remain competitive in the global economy and retain political stability that may result from social unrest due to a lack of good employment and educational opportunities.

This article employs a system analytic framework to categorize the available research literature on the politics of education in order to explain the inter‐relationship of private and public interests and of different levels in primary and secondary American schools. The objectives are several: to explain and develop the analytical framework of David Easton; to illustrate its heuristic utility by categorizing empirically‐based research within the components of that framework, and to suggest and encourage future research directions in the subject. Education has escaped application of traditional policy analysis in America because educators have convinced scholars and laymen that they are “non‐political,” a label which even most political scientists have accepted without challenge. However, during the 1960s, a few scholars in education and political science began to apply political analytical methods to public school conflict. This research has begun to change perceptions of education and to provide a beginning set of research projects whose data support tentative generalization about the policy‐making process and the total system of public schools. This orientation is bound to increase because of increasing national government intervention in local schools, both through integration and financial policies. These have provoked growing conflict locally over the proper direction of school policies. In this article, we see how such stress is transmitted in the form of “demands” and “supports” into the “political system”, that persistent social mechanism known in all societies in different forms provides an “authoritative allocation of values and resources”. The political system, in this case public school bodies, “converts” such “inputs” into “outputs” of public policy, which in their administration create outcomes which later cause a “feedback” into the political system as the material for new policy demands. For each component of this Eastonian system, this article examines relevant research, providing an extensive annotated bibliography. From this review, it is possible to suggest lines of needed research.

This chapter highlights why, with the current situation in a VUCA world, governments should consider to ‘leave alone’ the educational policy for the prosperity of special education. One possible way is that governments should let the ‘economic invisible hand’ take on the arrangement of inclusive education and proceed without interference to induce educational competition and the effectiveness of inclusive education.

During the NEA’s early years, the higher education community formed the core of the organization’s leadership, and higher education issues in turn represented a key area of NEA policymaking. The late 19th and early 20th century Association was fundamentally a professional group with a large teacher membership but little teacher representation in its leadership. In fact, it was only after the first 100 years of the NEA’s existence that the organization made an effective transition toward becoming a labor union, led by teachers and faculty members and focusing its primary energies on collective bargaining – first in the K-12 arena and soon after in higher education. Most recently, the NEA has sought to synthesize the two roles – that of professional association and union.

Understanding social studies programs at science, technology, mathematics and engineering (STEM) schools is becoming increasingly important as the number of STEM schools grows. This study undertook a qualitative investigation into social studies programs at two STEM high schools. Interviews from social studies teachers, principals, and students were transcribed, coded, and analyzed. Additional data was collected through observation and document analysis. Findings highlighted social studies teachers’ perceptions that a strong social studies curriculum is essential to STEM education; the opportunities of interdisciplinary and technology integration afforded to social studies STEM teachers; and some of the challenges of teaching social studies in a STEM school. The researcher discusses the implications of these findings for stakeholders in the social studies to ensure citizens are equipped with the needed skill, knowledge, and dispositions to compete in a global and multicultural age.