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The purpose of this study is to know the effect of religious values that the Jordan Political discipline adopted and were mentioned in the Jordan political discourses (Amman Message 2005, discourse of King Abdullah II in the European Parliament 2008 and his discourse in United Nations 2015) on the public opinion of the university students, especially their attitudes toward terrorism and extremism. Defending Islam is the responsibility of the Jordan political leadership according to Hashemite legacy and promoting Islamic values that rejected terrorism and extremism to Jordanian youth, especially tolerance and moderation values, to counter defamations and claims against Islam and correct its image in the West.

A political discourse analysis approach was used by analyzing the Amman Message and identifying the most important religious values contained therein. Also, a quantitative research method was used in this study. The study population consisted of university students, particularly Jordanian University students because being one of the high-bred Jordanian universities, it is characterized with gender, age, regional affiliation and family income diversities. This study depends on a purposive sample containing 350 students (175 males and 175 females). The survey was conducted in the academic year (2018-2019). A questionnaire that was reviewed by three jurors was used in data collection.

The results of the analysis of the political discourse showed that the values of tolerance and moderation are among the most valued in the Amman Message, where they were frequently repeated. Also, findings have shown that the religious values adopted by the Jordanian political system mentioned in the political discourses had an impact on public opinion of university students on terrorism and extremism causes in a large percent. When gender differed (males and females), the impact ratio of the public opinion for males was higher than that for females. When the age group differed (18-22 and 23-30 years), the effect ratio with the old age group was higher than the effect ratio for the students with the youngest age group. When regional affiliation differed (Jordanian and Jordanian of Palestinian origin), the impact ratio of the public opinion for Jordanian students was higher than that for Jordanian students of Palestinian origin. When regional family income differed (500 dinars and less, more than 500 dinars), the impact ratio of the public opinion for students with family income more than 500 dinars was higher than that for students with family income 500 dinars and less.

This study represents an approach to recognize the effect of religious values that were adopted by the Jordanian political system mentioned in the political discourses on public opinion of university students on terrorism and extremism causes, considering that university students represent the influential youth group in the Jordanian society.

This study aims to identify the features and characteristics of feminist elites as well as their circulation rate in official political positions. The study questions include the role of a profession, educational level, and class of origin in the recruitment of feminist elites. It stems from the hypothesis that a direct correlation exists between the mechanism of recruiting feminist elites and their characteristics, according to the criterion of class differentiation based on social status and financial wealth. The study used a complex combination of scientific methodologies, including the elite approach, which is especially important as a result of its ability to convert arguments into measurable variables, and a comparative approach was used to compare the features and characteristics of feminist elites in two reigns. From the study, it was observed that feminist elites are characterized by caste and wealth, higher educational degree, and in addition obtaining degrees from Western universities, prevailed. This result demonstrates the higher value of Western universities. The study also found that the circulation rate of political feminist elites dramatically increased in the reign of King Abdullah compared with the appointed feminist elites in the reign of King Hussein.

Border environments differ as foci for conflict discourse. While classic realist theories are used to account for mechanisms of securitized borders, socially oriented theories are often invoked to characterize relaxed borders. This distinguishing pattern regarding securitization reflects a deeply rooted focus on idealized borders, based on implicit expectations that relaxed borders are a viable option and goal for all. This orientation is prone to mistaken assumptions regarding local, national and regional interests and ultimately threatens delicately balanced states of stability. This paper aims to question this somewhat simplified categorization and posit that securitized borders are longstanding realities which warrant more complex theoretical conceptualization.

The analysis is based on documentary study and qualitative field research, mapping and evaluating Israel–Jordan cross-border interactions conducted during 2006-2014. Local civilian interactions were studied using three tools: interviews, non-participant observations and a sector-based analysis of original and secondary sources. In the course of research, many tours and observations of the border region were conducted, and key actors in Israel and Jordan were interviewed: entrepreneurs, local residents, local and national government officials, security personnel and representatives of non-governmental organizations involved in the administration and funding of normalization-promoting initiatives.

In light of internal and external security threats which challenge states and border regions in conflict environments and in normalized settings, there is increasing value in recognizing multi-level power relations (“bringing the state back in”) that design, inhibit and ultimately control the inevitability, circumstance and social–political effectivity of any cross-border interaction. Cross-border cooperation (CBC), which evolves gradually, monitored by the border regime and reflecting actual levels of inter-state political dialogue, is a slower yet safer option and a more realistic expectation for CBC, especially in regions of minimal communication between cross-border neighbors. In the backdrop of the Middle East turmoil, Israel and Jordan mark 20 years of peaceful relations, enjoying stability based on shared political and security interests, yet displaying no apparent tendency toward increased cross-border interaction. Given the stark differences in regimes and ongoing regional unrest, this securitized border fulfills local and regional needs and is far from a temporary “second-best” reality.

The analysis is based on original fieldwork and documentary study, mapping and evaluating Israel–Jordan cross-border interactions conducted during 2006-2014.

As the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan celebrates its first centenary, this paper presents a critical reading of the development of architecture in the Kingdom reflecting the transformation of national identity.

The paper achieves this aim by performing an analytical diachronic survey of the main architectural styles and trends that emerged in Jordan and links the architectural styles and trends to four main historical periods that characterize the national temporal trajectory, supported by examples of buildings, projects and architects that represent each period.

The results show the impacts of different forms of architectural modernism on local practice and explore attempts to create a national architectural identity that range in their ideological drive from Pan-Arabism to Jordanian localism.

The research adds to the discourse on Arab cities and architecture and shows the development of architectural trends in an Arab Muslim country, focusing on the interaction of architectural modernism with local variables. The research aims to supplement literature on Arab architecture with a critical and nuanced historical account of Jordanian architecture in the English language to serve a global audience.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the direct and indirect impacts of urban Syrian refugees on the residential urban fabric of Al Mafraq city physically and socially. Physically means regarding architectural style and socially means regarding social cohesion and sense of community. Therefore, the research questions are: What are the main source of tensions between the urban Syrian refugees and Al Mafraq host community that hinders the social cohesion? And what is the impact of the urban Syrian refugees on Al Mafraq city socially and architecturally?

Different research methods were used to explore and provide a rich description of the direct and indirect impacts of urban Syrian refugees on Al Mafraq city architecturally and socially. Desk reviews, focus group discussions and semi-structured individual in-depth interviews were used to explore the social impact of the Syrian refugees on Al Mafraq city. In addition, a qualitative comparative analysis was used to explore their impact on architectural style and urban sprawl.

The results show that changes have occurred on the character of the residential environment resulting in a conversion about the urban fabric of Al Mafraq city both physically, in regard to architectural style, and socially, regarding social cohesion and sense of community. Physically, the city suffers from a decline in the uniformity of the built environment, resulting in a partial loss of its identity as a homogenous place with calm, cohesive residential neighborhoods. On the other hand, the social fabric of the city is losing its homogeneity and solidarity, causing a decline in the sense of community, social cohesion and levels of trust, and a rise in the social tension leading to severe conflicts among community members.

The different stakeholders should express high concern for the different sources of tensions between the urban Syrian refugee and Al Mafraq host community. They should foster formal and informal communication and promote dialogue between the two communities to improve social relations and reduce the tension between them. The consequences of Syrian asylum on hosting countries present an issue that has been vastly studied by several scholars and international agencies. Research, reports and surveys all denote the negative impact of refugees, especially in cases where resources are scarce, as is the case with Jordan. As a part of such consequences, Al Mafraq city is moving in the wrong direction as a result of the increasing flow of refugees.

The current discourse about the influence of urban refugees on social and architectural style among host communities lacks veracity. Therefore, the significance of this research is offering an alternative academic view to enrich current knowledge and encourage further discourse research about urban refugees. In addition, this research is a comprehensive and double focused, not just on social inclusion and tensions but on urban environment and architecture. This research is useful for architects, urban designers and planners, sociologists, policymakers and humanitarian and peace-building practitioners in the urban non-camp complex emergency setting.

This paper analyses the Mohammed cartoons controversy, the boycott of Danish products in the Middle East, and the consequences for the Danish companies involved.

The objectives have been achieved by means of a ideology‐critical discourse analysis of Danish newspaper articles on the subject.

The wider ramifications of an insult and freedom of expression discourse are shown. Managerial consequences of the boycott are outlined for Jyllands‐Posten and Arla Foods.

The paper is of value for researchers and managers who want to understand the politicisation of markets and the major consequences for management and marketing strategy.

The purpose of this paper is to clarify and re‐position the debate on the role of women in employment in the Arab Middle East by drawing on the findings of empirical research to critique the paradigm of “neo‐patriarchy” defined by Sharabi and used uncritically by others.

A review of the literature on neo‐patriarchy is followed by some findings from an empirical study of 197 women in the Jordanian labour market, from a sample drawn on a population basis.

The findings indicate generally positive attitudes towards the employment of women and to the involvement of husbands in employment decisions, and to a slight preference on the part of managers for women as employees.

These findings need to be supplemented by more intensive studies in work situations and by case‐studies of specific employment sites.

The attitudes of women in Jordan are in general positive towards employment and policy is evolving accordingly.

These findings point to the limitations of the “neo‐patriarchy” discourse and to the likelihood that the employment situations of women in Jordan do not need to be characterized by the discourse of under‐development and traditionalism.