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In a previous article we had occasion to refer to and to condemn the standards for jams, jellies and marmalade which had been arrived at as the result of a conference which had taken place during the year 1930 between the Jam Panel of the Food Manufacturers' Federation and certain members of the Society of Public Analysts and other Analytical Chemists. There is another point in connection with these standards which we think might have received the attention of this Conference. At the present time everyone is being exhorted to buy British goods on the grounds, it may be supposed, that such purchases are patriotic in character and good for trade. But to speak quite frankly, if these jams are to be taken as a fair example of British skill and enterprise, the legend “Buy British” leaves us cold. What, then, is a British jam? Is there such a thing? If by the term we mean a jam made of sound British grown fruit which gives the name to the jam mixed with an equal weight of sugar, it would seem to be a rarity. Some fruits we cannot grow. Hence Scotch marmalade is a fair enough term to use, assuming of course that the orange is of the right sort and in the right quantity. The same thing applies of course to apricot jam. The greater number of our best known jams are made from fruit that, whatever may be its origin, can be grown here and grown better here than elsewhere— strawberry, raspberry, plum, gooseberry. We say unhesitatingly that there is no need under any circumstances to buy the pulp of these fruits or the fruits themselves abroad when it is of immediate interest to the health and pocket of the consumer, the prosperity of the home fruit grower and ultimately to the trade itself to buy them at home. In a report issued in 1927 on Fruit Marketing in England and Wales issued by the Board of Agriculture it is stated that the manufacture of jam is the “backbone” of the fruit‐growing industry. It is further stated that 90 per cent. of the home grown raspberry crop, 60 per cent. of the strawberry and 40 per cent. of the plum are or were at that time purchased by the manufacturers of jam. We say “at that time” because the figures in all probability relate to the conditions in force up to 1926, and that year it seems began to mark an increase in the amount of fruit pulp imported from foreign countries. The fact that pulp was being imported in large amount previous to that year is noted in the report whose title is given above, 90 per cent. of the home grown raspberry crop available for the manufacture of jam is used, but what is to be thought of the figure given for plums? In connection with this we need only quote the remarks of Lieut.‐Col. Ruggles Brise which he made during the debate in the House of Commons on the terms of the Resolution.

As young individuals transition from educational settings to embark on their career paths, their expectations for their future careers become of paramount importance. Ng et al. (2010) examined the expectations of young people in post-secondary education in 2007; those colloquially referred to as “Millennials” or “GenY”. The present study replicates Ng et al.'s (2010) study among a sample of post-secondary students in 2019 (referred to as Generation Z or GenZ) and compares the expectations of young adults in GenY and GenZ.

This study employs a time-lag comparison of GenY and GenZ young career entrants based on data collected in 2007 (n = 23,413) and 2019 (n = 16,146).

Today's youth seem to have realistic expectations for their first jobs and the analyses suggest that young people continue to seek positive, healthy work environments which make room for work–life balance. Further, young people today are prioritizing job security and are not necessarily mobile due to preference, restlessness or disloyalty, but rather leave employers that are not meeting their current needs or expectations.

Understanding the career expectations of young people allows educators, employers and policymakers to provide vocational guidance that aligns those expectations with the realities of the labor market and the contemporary career context.

While GenY was characterized as optimistic with great expectations, GenZ can be described as cautious and pragmatic. The results suggest a shift away from opportunity, towards security, stability, an employer that reflects one's values and a job that is satisfying in the present.

Organizations are investing their resources to identify effective leaders; however, the most commonly utilized assessments of leadership potential do not cover the social cognitions of individuals. Trait assessments, which are explicit in nature, also have other problems, including faking and socially desirable responding. In this chapter, we highlight the importance of leaders' implicit reasoning processes, with a particular focus on cognitive biases, in an attempt to understand how destructive leaders frame the world, situations and people and how they justify their choice of behaviours and decisions. Empirical evidence in the literature supports the valid use of implicit reasoning measurements in organizational contexts. Thus, we first summarize and list the cognitive biases of destructive leaders as identified in the literature. We then turn our focus on Machiavellian leaders as they have been associated with destructive leadership. We present the most common six cognitive biases and justification mechanisms of Machiavellian leaders based on our qualitative analysis of interview responses from 72 employees. We aim to encourage researchers and practitioners to make use of the literature on implicit reasoning and to further contribute to developing measures assessing such implicit reasoning processes.

In discussing the subject of bread, or indeed any subject, one is of course confronted by the initial difficulty of definition. Nothing is harder than to define any concrete thing, no matter how common and well‐known it may be. This is not surprising when we remember that no one has ever succeeded in defining a definition. Perhaps the best attempt to do so is Pascal's, in the “Port Royal Logic,” and it is easy to drive a coach and six through the rules which he lays down for definitions to conform to. The only things that can be strictly defined are mathematical abstractions, such as a circle, which are formed on natural objects by pruning away their multitudinous properties till only two or three which can be expressed by a short and indisputable definition are left.

The majority of emerging adults in the United States spend time in cohabiting unions. Prior research has suggested that higher levels of sexual non-exclusivity may exist among those in cohabiting relationships compared to marital unions. Although these basic patterns have been explored in prior work, research examining the potential reasons why levels of sexual non-exclusivity differ by union status has been limited. Drawing on a relational perspective and using the fifth wave of data from the Toledo Adolescent Relationships Study (TARS), the present study found that higher levels of sexual non-exclusivity in cohabiting relationships were explained by intimate relationship characteristics and sexual histories rather than sociodemographic factors, partner heterogamy, or partner- and couple-level drug use. These findings highlighted that understanding the higher rates of sexually non-exclusive experiences in cohabiting relationships, compared to marital relationships, requires attention to specific dynamics of the intimate partnership and prior relational experiences of both partners. The study concluded that cohabitation has a unique place in emerging adults’ relationship landscape and may set the groundwork for future relationship functioning.

Many studies have investigated how the structure of the collaborative networks of researchers influences the nature of their work, and its outcome. Co-authorship networks (CANs) have been widely looked at as proxies that can help bring understanding to the structure of research collaborative ties. The purpose of this paper is to provide a framework for describing what influences the formation of different research collaboration patterns.

The authors use social network analysis (SNA) to analyze the co-authorship ego networks of the ten most central authors in 24 years of papers (703 papers and 1,118 authors) published in the Proceedings of CASCON, a computer science conference. In order to understand what lead to the formation of the different CANs the authors examined, the authors conducted semi-structured interviews with these authors.

Based on this examination, the authors propose a typology that differentiates three styles of co-authorship: matchmaking, brokerage, and teamwork. The authors also provide quantitative SNA-based measures that can help place researchers’ CAN into one of these proposed categories. Given that many different network measures can describe the collaborative network structure of researchers, the authors believe it is important to identify specific network structures that would be meaningful when studying research collaboration. The proposed typology can offer guidance in choosing the appropriate measures for studying research collaboration.

The results presented in this paper highlight the value of combining SNA analysis with interviews when studying CAN. Moreover, the results show how co-authorship styles can be used to understand the mechanisms leading to the formation of collaborative ties among researchers. The authors discuss several potential implications of these findings for the study of research collaborations.

This chapter seeks to make the case that emotions are central in organising in schools and that the way members of staff oversee their emotion processes is crucial to the legitimacy of the institution. The logic of the case is simple, as follows. There are three forms of affect: feelings, moods and emotions. Feelings and moods are affective states, the description of which depicts our inner world. Emotions are very different. They entail a process in which an event of some kind is experienced and appraised. This appraisal results in physiological responses, psychological changes and social responses, which entail actions. The emotion process creates a state of action readiness and a motivation to act. The actions are manifestations of power and they may influence those who experience them. Because actions influence, they are leadership actions and are therefore central to organising processes. Actions may have a high affective content and may be experienced as an individual ‘emoting’, which typically increases the significance of the action experienced by others. Emoting can therefore change the influencing effect of an action. We may seek to defend ourselves from actions with a high affective content by means of social defences, which can take various forms. The social actions resulting from the emotion process and emoting are subject to a whole range of ‘rules’: personal, interpersonal, institutional and cultural. How well members of the school staff understand and oversee – manage – that emotion process in relation to these rules is crucial to the legitimacy of schools as institutions.

Discuss in detail the uses which might legitimately be made of the following passage by the writer of a profound study of economic life and thought in France at the end of the reign of Louis XIV. In answering the question make full use of your knowledge of (a) historical criticism; (b) French economic and general history.

The subject of food and drug legislation is again before Parliament. It is proposed, under MR. JOHN BURNS' Food and Drugs Bill (see this Journal, August, 1913), to empower the Local Government Board to make Regulations which shall define an article of food or a drug with regard to its nature, substance, and quality. The Board will only issue Regulations of this kind after making such enquiry as in its opinion may be necessary.

If we could be made moral by Act of Parliament there would be no such things as “ hold ups ” and food sophistication. Of these two evils I should prefer the former had I the choice. It is no more blameworthy, it is less harmful, and it is not likely to become a permanent feature of our social life. A successful “ hold up ” is by the nature of the case self‐advertising. It forms the basis for a “ drama ” or a “ sensation.” It “sells well” and is honoured with “displayed” head lines. On the other hand, a police chase at sixty miles an hour over half a county when the true nature of raspberry jam is in question is unthinkable. Publicity, if you can get it, has, like adversity, its “ sweet uses.” It makes the public “ sit up and take notice” and brings the offence, if not the offender, into the limelight. But the chase of, what A. H. Allen, of Sheffield, once called, “ the poor unfortunate adulterator ” calls frequently for a degree of ingenuity on the part of the executive officers of a local authority that suggests the wonders of detective fiction. The sport may require a good deal of ground bait before the fish is hooked, or, to vary the metaphor, several full dress rehearsals before the one and only performance is staged and the fine of one guinea and costs inflicted. Our “hold up” friend “does time,” and for the period of his sentence can do no further mischief, while the merchant in search of illicit profits seldom gets further than the police court, and if a large business concern which has “ neither a body to be kicked or a soul to be damned ” happens to be the offender, then eminent counsel is briefed, legal entities and quiddities are politely discussed, no one's feelings are hurt, a fine may be inflicted—which, in any case, is relatively trifling and is written off as a bad debt—and “the prisoner leaves the court amid the congratulations of his friends.” In neither case is the slightest social injury inflicted. Bill of Pimlico or Walworth has nothing to lose, the “ directors ” have lost nothing. If the way of transgressors be hard, then the case of the adulterator is the exception which proves the rule.