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This paper examines the discourse of consumers as they attempt to define and create consensus on the meaning and significance of cultural appropriation within a fashion context.

Data were collected via consumer comments posted to an article from The Guardian about the banning of headdresses from a large-scale music festival in Canada. Data were analyzed according to protocols for grounded theory.

Four themes emerged from the data: values consensus, ideological control, social and symbolic boundaries and social impact and change. These themes captured consumers' perspectives on the debate of cultural appropriation in fashion.

Cultural appropriation has become an increasingly important topic of interest as consumers share their voices online and demand companies increase their cultural competence.

Few researchers have examined cultural appropriation in fashion and captured the various perspectives of consumers on this phenomenon.

The purpose of the work is development a novel of hydro-vibration technology for the formation of hats from fabrics, which will expand the functionalities of application of various fabrics.

The work is based on a novel technology of forming hats from different fabrics with the use of liquid-active working environment (LAWE). This hydro-vibration technology is characterized by high efficiency, productivity, manufacturability and potential opportunities when compared to existing technologies. This allows expanding its range of applications and increase functionality.

In the article, hydro-vibration technology is developed for the formation of hats from fabrics. As a result of the experiment, regression dependences of the shape stability coefficient on the formation factors having a close correlation were obtained. The performed optimization allowed determining the optimal values of technological parameters of the vibroforming process from fabrics: LAWE pressure 0.26 MPa, vibration frequency LAWE 4.3 Hz, forming time 74 s.

The use of developed hydro-vibration technology has great practical significance in the textile industry. This technology increases labor productivity and reduces the cost of production of hats due to its high efficiency. Increased efficiency is provided by the use of special equipment, methods and optimal parameters of the hats formation. With sufficient refinement, the developed technology can be applied to other technological processes.

Originality of the work is using liquid-actin working environment at vibroforming of heads of headdresses from fabrics. It is determined that the use of LAWE is effective in the formation of hats. To ensure maximum plasticization of textile fibers in the fabric of the part and increase the force field, it is developed a novel hydro-vibration technology of forming the heads of hats from fabrics.

Using a semi-autoethnographic layered account format, we present the voices of 16 Native American adults as they talk about their lives and Native American Caricature Iconography (NACI). First, we explore their impressions and lived experiences with “racial formation projects” such as tribal identification cards, blood quantum calculations, genocide, child removal, boarding schools, and reservations, to contextualize why some Native Americans interpret NACI as much more than “an honor,” “tradition,” or “just good fun.” Next, we explore the Native Americans' perceptions of sports mascots, cartoons, and sculpture, after exposing them to a series of eight images of NACI. We conclude that NACIs are racial formation projects as well. By unmindfully producing and consuming NACI, we fail to interrupt and reform the racial formation projects that continue to define us all.

This chapter focuses on creating a Torres Strait Island perspective on the research ethics and cultural protocols of Islander dance. Previous research into Torres Strait Islander cultural dance has traditionally focussed on the music and songs and rarely on the movements themselves or the cultural protocols of dance. Specifically, we explore how Islander dance from the Island of Mer (Meriam Kab) is not only created and practised but also how that information is communicated. This chapter asks the questions – how should Meriam Kab be researched? What are the protocols and processes that need to be followed? What is the role of Elders and how important is their place in the practice of dance? These questions will be explored through the cultural dances performed by the Gerib Sik Torres Strait Islander Corporation as an inroad into the significance of Meriam Kab as expressions of Meriam identity. Gerib Sik has a long tradition of cultural consultation in the development of their dances, and this chapter is co-authored by the directors. Through this writing, we hope to shine a spotlight on Meriam Kab research by illustrating the importance of the specificity of Islander identity.

This chapter will begin by exploring the importance for people living with dementia of maintaining a sense of self or ‘personhood’, and how this is linked directly to wellbeing. It will chart how the initial pilot projects were developed to embrace older people living with a dementia diagnosis, and how we teamed up with different partners in Brazil and on Merseyside, showing how the methodology outlined in the toolkit can be used to foster this sense of self or ‘personhood’. In both geographical locations it proved vital to establish contacts with enthusiastic partners and to work closely with occupational therapists and/or nursing home staff. On Merseyside we also benefitted from the expertise of a local community cinema which had extensive experience of running dementia-friendly film screenings. Finally, drawing on concrete results from the use of the toolkit's methodology in a recent project that Lisa conducted in Brazil, this chapter will present some conclusions about how music and film can help carers connect with the person living with dementia, and be used as a powerful tool for restoring a sense of personhood, thus increasing a sense of wellbeing and improving the quality of care.

During early childhood, Indians and non-Indians learn a definition of “Indianness” (Merskin, 1998, p. 159). Around 18 months of age, human beings begin to recognize themselves as distinct and separate from their mothers and others (Lacan, 1977). By age 6, most attributes of personality formation are already established (Biber, 1984). The content of the information that consciously and unconsciously reaches children is critical for the formation of a healthy, grounded sense of self and respect for others. Today, in the absence of personal interaction with an indigenous person, non-Indian perceptions inevitably come from other sources. These mental images, the “pictures in our heads” as Lippmann (1922/1961, p. 33) calls them, come from parents, teachers, textbooks, movies, television programs, cartoons, songs, commercials, art, and product logos. American Indian images, music, and names have, since the beginning of the 20th century, been incorporated into many American advertising campaigns and marketing efforts, demarcating and consuming Indian as exotic “Other” in the popular imagination (Merskin, 1998). Whereas a century ago sheet music covers and patent medicine bottles featured “coppery, feather-topped visage of the Indian” (Larson, 1937, p. 338), today's Land O’ Lake's butter boxes display a doe-eyed, buckskin-clad Indian “princess.” The fact that there never were Indian “princesses” (a European concept), and most Indians do not have the kind of European features and social “availability” that trade characters do, goes largely unquestioned. These stereotypes are pervasive, but not necessarily consistent, varying over time and place from the “artificially idealistic” (noble savage) to images of “mystical environmentalists or uneducated, alcoholic bingo-players confined to reservations” (Mihesuah, 1996, p. 9). Today, a trip down the grocery store aisle still reveals ice cream bars, beef jerky, corn meal, baking powder, malt liquor, butter, honey, sugar, sour cream, chewing tobacco packages, and a plethora of other products emblazoned with images of American Indians. To discern how labels on products and brand names reinforce long-held stereotypical beliefs, we must consider embedded ideological beliefs that perpetuate and reinforce this process.

Purpose – This chapter examines how and why the continued use of Indianness in sport makes many American Indians uneasy and then turns to consider the manner in which Native Americans have assisted with and even endorsed such monikers and mascots.

Design/methodology/approach – The current study employs interpretive approaches common in cultural studies (broadly defined). It offers textual readings of historical incidences as well as ethnographic readings of current events.

Findings – The key findings of the study offer new insights into the multiple and often competing ways in which indigenous athletes, fans, and communities interpret Native American mascots, stressing the overlooked role of American Indians who enact and endorse them.

Research limitations/implications – The focus on the use of indigeneity in the United States is the key limitation of the current research.

Originality/value – The central contribution of this work lies in its attention to the social significance and cultural politics of indigenous interpretations of American Indian mascots. In particular, it explores the complexities and contradictions central to such interpretations, stressing the unappreciated role of expectations and the pronounced uneasiness at their core.

Eighteen schools are now on the NCAA's mascot pariah list. Three are Braves. Six are Indians. Four identify as specific tribes – Seminoles, Utes, Chippewas, and Choctaws. Carthage College calls itself the Redmen. Illinois has created its own tribe, the Fighting Illini. The last school on the list – Southeastern Oklahoma State – does not beat around the bush or go for modifiers. They are the Savages.

The purpose of this paper is to propose guidelines for business enterprises engaging with indigenous communities to protect their intellectual property rights, particularly indigenous art works produced for the souvenir industry.

Literature on indigenous art and souvenirs demonstrating exploitation of indigenous communities’ intellectual property was facilitated by a lack of knowledge of how to otherwise behave. The proposed guidelines for commercial entities wishing to engage ethically with indigenous communities draws on international exemplars.

A twelve‐point framework for ethical commerce in indigenous souvenirs between indigenous communities and businesses is proposed to ensure populations lacking economic and social power are not disenfranchised by limited experience in a market society.

The proposed guidelines contribute to achieving reconciliation between mainstream and indigenous people in various countries throughout the world.

This paper assists development of guidelines enabling ethical decision‐making in the souvenir industry applying a critical approach to the principles of corporate responsibility.