Search results

Despite the growing use of social media by politicians, especially during election campaigns, research on the integration of these media into broader campaign communication strategies remains rare. The purpose of this paper is to ask what the consequences of the transition to social media may be, specifically considering how Senate candidates’ use of a popular social network, Twitter, is related to their messaging via broadcast media in the form of campaign advertising, in terms of content and tone.

To address this research question, a unique data set combining every tweet (10,303) and every television ad aired (576,933 ad airings) by candidate campaigns for the US Senate during the 2010 campaign is created. Using these data, tweets and ads are analyzed for their references to issues as well as their overall tone.

Findings demonstrate that social messaging often resembles broadcast advertising, but that Twitter nonetheless occupies a unique place in modern campaigns in that its tone tends to be quite different than that of advertisements.

This sheds light on a larger debate about whether online campaigning has produced a fundamental change in election practices or whether new media simply extend “campaigning as usual.”

This study uses a novel data set, encompassing the complete universe of ads and tweets distributed by candidates for Senate in 2010.

This chapter examines the role that Citizens United v. FEC (2010) has played in shaping the current system of election spending in the United States. In Citizens United, the Court determined that individual rights to speech and expression can flow into the corporate entities they join. This chapter argues that the Court’s holding serves to redirect the focus of accountability away from those who seek to sway election outcomes through massive election spending and toward any efforts by government to regulate that type of spending. The practical result has been to allow for the creation of new organizations that can take in unlimited amounts of money while also effectively hiding the source of funds from disclosure. By muddying the waters of disclosure, these new entities – Super PACs and dark money organizations – lower the ability of citizens to maintain accountability over the electoral system. Finally, this chapter examines ways to encourage greater disclosure and accountability in government after Citizens United.

The existing debate in the political science literature on the transfer of US campaign expertise to Western Europe is largely based on observations of campaign evolution and, to a limited degree, on surveys of US political consultants. This article attempts to provide a deeper understanding of some of the problems associated with the practical application of US political marketing expertise in European political markets, focussing primarily on the UK. The paper investigates this transfer of US campaign expertise using both a political science‐diffusion perspective and an international marketing‐market entry perspective, suggesting that the two perspectives are mutually reinforcing. Qualitative data were collected from interviews with US political consultants who had consulted to British political parties at the 1997 British general election and with three academics who are renowned researchers in this field. The paper argues that, because of the very different contextual environments and their implications for campaign conduct, the potential for “Americanisation” is limited through indirect export methods. The paper further argues that US political consultants could penetrate the European market for political consulting services through a more customised offering using indirect export methods or a more standardised offering using direct export methods.

This chapter explains how SYRIZA managed to build international support up to the January 2015 election with very limited resources, and against mainstream coverage, by relying essentially on grassroots movements and social media. It also shows how, approaching to power, SYRIZA's political, but also communication strategy, became more institutionalised and relied less on grassroots campaigning. Methodologically, our research is based on the following research techniques: First, interviews with activists and members of the party as well as observations inside its social media team. Second, the study of online content and data from 2006 to 2015. Overall, this chapter shows that SYRIZA's campaign on the Internet relied mainly on alternative media activists who acquired a specific savoir faire and developed international networks during the intense antiausterity social movement that took place in Greece between 2010 and 2013. The campaign was also supported by young experts from the private sector that contributed on a voluntary basis. Nevertheless, its success was mainly due to the European political context and the opportunities it offered to the radical Left, rather than the communication strategy, which in any case suffered from a lack of means and from a somewhat chaotic (non) organisation.

This paper explores the process used to communicate public policy in political campaigns. Empirical research has been conducted into determining the voters' consideration of the importance of national political issues and the association of the electorate's consideration of the importance of issues with identification with parties in the UK. This paper attempts to show how political parties can position themselves on the basis of issue stances when targeting groups of voters. A model is suggested to aid in public policy evaluation with implications for positioning; recognising that those parties that formed the previous government have significant advantages over the opposition during the conduct of electoral campaigns since they can make use of the government's communication networks. However, the paper looks at this process from a party‐oriented perspective (where issues are used more to persuade the electorate) rather than a candidate‐centred perspective (where personalities tend to be used more). Thus, further research needs to be conducted in order to ascertain the model's suitability in and adaptability for candidate‐driven political markets.

This study examined reasons why Elisabeth Rehn – labelled by the media as the queen of the polls – lost her lead position a month before the presidential election. Rehn’s campaign had two approaches – traditional and marketing oriented. On one hand it represented a voter‐driven campaign with various non‐political and political professionals at its disposal but on the other hand the candidate was closer to the traditional party‐driven or ideology‐driven concept holding to traditional political themes. The main internal weaknesses of Rehn’s campaign were four factors: the weakness of the (civic) organisation, the lack of resources, the candidate’s credibility problems and the wrong themes. The relevant external factors were: the line‐up of the candidates with two strong right‐wing female candidates and overwhelming resources of the competitive organisations. The study provides evidence that most of the theoretical factors based on previous research to be relevant also in this campaign and emphasises the meaning of the candidate’s credibility. The indicators of the credibility were her competence and appearance (external credibility), and personality and commitment (internal credibility) even though in the very beginning the candidate was evaluated by the campaign workers as the most competent and experienced candidate. The polls and the media were considered to be factors that strengthened the result more than created it.

South Korea imposes more stringent restrictions on political speeches during elections than many other democratic countries. The purpose of this paper is to examine the long‐standing conflict between citizens and institutions in the Korean electoral environment and the effects of the internet on this conflict.

The paper provides a case study of the 2007 presidential election in Korea. During the campaign period, two video clips (one on YouTube and the other on Daum, a major domestic web portal) emerged and implicated the then‐leading candidate in a financial scandal. The paper investigates how these video clips were shared and discussed among Korean voters, even though the country's election laws restricted the sharing of such information in cyberspace. The paper employs a combination of network analysis techniques, including hyperlink analysis, interaction network analysis, and semantic network analysis.

YouTube served as a medium for Korean voters to circumvent local electoral regulations, thus implying the neologism “cyber‐exile”. However, unlike Daum, YouTube failed to facilitate discussions on the posted video clip. The discussion through its comment feature was often derailed by irrelevant comments from seemingly uninterested parties. The address of the video clip was shared through personal blogs and online bulletin boards in Korean cyberspace, but these efforts led only to a fragmented sphere.

Any comparison between YouTube and Daum should be made with caution because of inherent differences between the two platforms.

The results have important practical implications for those interested in designing e‐deliberation environments. For example, they should have a clearer understanding of the composition of users and the undesirable consequences of a fragmented public sphere.

This paper highlights how pre‐internet institutions shape its members’ political activity on the internet. In addition, the results clearly demonstrate that an innovative effort to circumvent barriers on the part of internet users is not enough to harness the potential of online discussions for a measured and sustained discourse on the issue at hand.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the rhetoric and reality of the impact of political blogs in the specific context of American politics, where online, mainstream media and academic accounts suggest blogs have had significant impacts on political communication.

This paper examines three high profile events in which blogging has been implicated as particularly influential, and re‐evaluates them in the context of established political science approaches. These events are the resignation of Trent Lott in 2002; Howard Dean's presidential campaign of 2003‐2004; and the Connecticut primary challenge to Joe Lieberman in the 2006 Senate mid‐term elections.

Re‐evaluating these cases in the context of established theories of American politics suggests that the perception of blogs as a progressive new force, that can be decisive in a politician's success or failure, is an over‐optimistic and over‐simplified interpretation of the nature and consequences of this new form of political communication.

This paper provides a much needed first step in integrating the rhetoric of commentary on blogs in American politics with established political science, allowing for a more balanced and contextual consideration of the political roles of blogs than that provided by the blogosphere and its proponents to date.

Revelation of controversial fundraising practices by the Clinton‐Gore reelection campaign in 1996 and continuing controversy over proposed campaign finance reform legislation has brought this subject into public focus and discussion. This article provides an overview of key recent developments in campaign finance accompanied by coverage of literature and Web sites produced by scholars, government agencies, and participants in the ongoing debate over campaign finance and its role in the American political process.