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The purpose of this paper is to focus on the repercussions of work and employment in low-status jobs upon the collective organisation and representation of Egyptian immigrant workers.

Focusing on results from 117 in-depth interviews, the qualitative research (2010-2013) and analysis examines the case of Egyptians in Athens, Greece and on how the frame of their work and their employment affects participation in the immigrant work association Union of Egyptian Workers in Greece/EL-RAPTA and in Greek trade unions as well.

Evidence from in-depth interviews proves that Egyptians are supported by friendly and relative relations in search for solidarity; they develop individualistic behaviours and find alternative solutions for survival and protection.

Through the research, what is analysed is how immigration has affected social welfare and collective forms of representation but also how the immigrants themselves view and act within the collective frameworks. The results are of great concern to immigration policymakers to facilitate integration, combat undeclared work and identify weaknesses in worker rights and organisations.

The research, the first in Greece specifically for Egyptians immigrant workers and their work association, contributes to the broader body of sociological literature on the study of labour migration and immigrant voluntary associations and it is original as it is based on primary research on the experiences of Egyptian immigrants.

The purpose of this study is to provide a political explanation of management, accounting and control (MAC) practices in a traditional and unstable African setting. This was done by exploring the influence of latest revolutionary politics in Egypt along with labour dynamics in the context.

Theoretically, the study uses the institutional logics perspective to understand the effects of higher order institutions on corporate management and workers at the micro level. Methodologically, the study adopts an interpretative case study approach. Data were collected using a triangulation of interviews, documents and observations.

The study finds that volatile political settings can have different contradictory implications for MAC practices. It also concludes that revolutionary events play a central role not only in the configuration of MAC practices but also in the mobilisation of labour resistance to these practices.

The study contributes to the literature by investigating the different appearances of MAC practices in a volatile, political or revolutionary context, in contrast to highly investigated stabilised Western contexts. This broadens the definition of the social in the area of accounting and control.

This study explores the relationship between institutional logics and workers’ agency in business organisations. The purpose of this paper is to explain management control in a complex setting of workers’ resistance and institutional multiplicity and complexity. Exploring the inherent political volatility at the macro level, the work also investigates the political aspects of economic organisations and the intermediary role of individuals who deal with these institutions.

Theoretically, the study triangulates institutional logics and labour process theories, linking higher-order institutions with mundane labour practices observed in the case study. Methodologically, the study adopts a post-positivistic case study approach. Empirical data were solicited in a village community, where sugar beet farming and processing constitutes the main economic activity underlying its livelihood. Data were collected through a triangulation of interviews, documents and observations.

The study concludes that, especially in LDCs agro-manufacturing settings, economic and societal institutions play a central role in the mobilisation of labour resistance. Control can be effectively practiced, and be resisted, through such economic and social systems. This study affirms the influence of institutional logics on individuals’ agency and subjectivity.

The study contributes to literature by investigating the relationship between subalterns’ agency and institutional logics in a traditional political and communal context, in contrast to the highly investigated western contexts; and providing a definition of management control based on the prevalent institutional logics in the field.

The purpose of this study is to investigate in depth how an organisation is able to achieve its economic objectives in a situation of institutional complexity through being institutionally dexterous. The study also investigates how this is done through overriding formal controls and concentrating on socio-political and communal-based controls.

Theoretically, the study draws on the perspectives of institutional complexity and ambidexterity to link higher-order institutions with mundane labour control practices observed at the micro level of the case company. Methodologically, the study adopts an interpretive – case study – approach. Empirical data were solicited in an Egyptian village community, where sugar beet farming and processing constitutes the main economic activity underlying its livelihood. Data were collected through a triangulation of interviews, documents and observations.

The study concludes that, especially in socio-political contexts such as Egypt, the organisational environment can better be understood and perceived as institutionally complex situation. To manage such complexity and to effectively meet its economic objectives, the organisation needs to be institutionally dextrous. Thereby, this study presents an inclusive view of management control (MC) which is based not only on rational economic practices, but also on social, religious and political aspects that are central to this institutional environment.

The study contributes to MC and logics literature in a number of respects. It extends the institutional logics debate by illustrating that logics get re-institutionalised by the “place” through its cultural, political and communal identities that filter logics’ complexities to different ends. Further, it extends the cultural political economy of MC by illustrating that MC in socio-political settings is also an operational manifestation of the logics prevailing in the context. These logics produced an informal MC system that dominated the formal known MCs.

The purpose of this study is to provide first-hand information regarding domestic labour/labourers in Egypt. The researcher tries to investigate the information rights and needs of these vulnerable and marginalized groups in Egypt in terms of its thoughts, perceptions, attitudes, motivations, techniques, preferences, ways, tools and problems encountered towards using of and accessing information. The study, therefore, attempts to look at, as possible, the many different characteristics of local domestic workers in Egypt and affecting their use of and access to information.

Methodology used here was an adaptive form of snowball sampling of a heterogeneous demographic group of participants in the local domestic work in Egypt, used to select focus groups to explore a range of relevant issues.

Demographically, this study showed that local domestic labour in Egypt, to a great extent, is occupied and performed by women and children, and the average age of the total interviewed participants was around 31 years. Over half of participants were uneducated, followed by nearly a quarter of them were with no formal education and just a small number had some primary education. This study concluded that a large number of participants were described as illiterate and nonskilled labourers. Participants’ income proved that it was one of barriers to use of and access to information where a large number of participants were labelled as low-income workers. The information-seeking behaviour (ISB) profile of participants indicated a preference for verbal over written, informal over formal and undocumented over documented information channels and sources to solve problems relating to everyday existence using some helping tools and devices especially cell phones. The most popular information sources mentioned and followed by participants were verbal information with friends, peers and colleagues in neighbouring households either via telephones, especially cell phones, or face-to-face meeting. TV and Radio, newspapers and magazines were, respectively, the most famous formal sources participants use. Information related to work, family affairs, security and health issues was most commonly desired and wanted by participants. Participants mentioned that their priorities of accessing information were to help in work-related activities such as cooking cleaning and decorating, to know new kitchen recipes, to assist in the education of the employer’s children. Others added that they were also seeking for information for getting promoted and having some fun especially through audiovisual sources like TV and Radio. They were not commonly using libraries due to the fact that most of them were uneducated, and the education of the some others was limited. However, this study showed that there was a little and accidental use for some libraries like public and children libraries and a small number of them was using the employer’s home library. In terms of using technologies related to the use of information like the Internet, the study found such access was an issue, as a very small number of participants were using it mainly for personal information. Regarding challenges, concerns and problems faced by local domestic workers in Egypt during using of and accessing information, the study found that the most important challenges participants faced in this study were the illiteracy and lack of awareness about the basic rights and perception of information rights and needs. Other challenges like the time, psychological burdens, the social image being domestic worker, lack of accessible information channels, lack of training and skills and also lack of money needed to access information were also an issue.

This study comes to respond strongly to the great global concern on the neglected and marginalized sector of work/workers in Egypt. It provides information on invisible forms of domestic labour/labourers, and indicates how their rights, especially towards accessing information, are violated. Any findings of this study may generate interest and create awareness on the needs and conditions of domestic labour/labourers among marginalized labour advocates, policymakers and the civil society.

The literature on this topic is scarce and, therefore, this paper gives important and significant insight into how to assist local domestic workers in Egypt with information needs.

This study explored the impact of COVID-19 on the petroleum sector in Egypt, both economically and socially. Of all sectors of the economy, the oil industry has been one of the most negatively impacted by the pandemic, with oil prices plummeting at the start of the pandemic. Use to decrease demand. This paper aimed to analyse the main economic and social effects of the pandemic on the Egypt oil industry through an examination of the macroeconomic data reflected in the Egyptian balance of payments, the country's general budget and the oil industry's performance data. The study also conducted a survey of a set of workers from the Egyptian petroleum sector. The study thus concluded two levels of analysis; a macrolevel and a micro level analysis of the effect of COVID-19 on the Egyptian oil industry.

The paper builds upon the experience gained from evaluating market change caused by COVID-19 (Agosta et al., 2020), to analyse the socioeconomic implications of COVID-19 on the Egyptian oil industry. This study employed a survey analysis of questionnaires filled by on a sample of workers in the petroleum sector in Egypt. Data were analysed using the SPSS software, version 18.0. Descriptive analysis was reported as frequencies and percentages. The macroeconomic impact analysis was done by analysing macro-economic data pertaining the oil industry's levels of production as well as the data pertaining to Egypt's external balance of payment and public finance.

The paper concludes that although the COVID-19 pandemic had negatively impacted the socioeconomics of oil sector workers, reducing their incomes and costing them jobs, these effects appeared to be short term effects that could be minimised with the end of the pandemic and be mitigated through the adequate social and economic policies. No permanent socioeconomic losses were thus deemed to be a serious concern with respect to these workers. The study also concluded that, macroeconomically, lower global oil prices has had a net positive effect on the Egyptian economy as the causing an expected shrinkage of the overall trade deficit. It also has reduced the national budget deficit and has helped mobilise money into the economy, financing both investments and social expenses.

The survey was very hard to reach, where lot of workers in the petroleum sector (governmental) refused to answer the questions.

Some African countries may not have all the necessary most recent data of economic indicators needed to ascertain with certainty the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. And, at the event that data are completely available, analysts must consider that any worsening of the economy may not stem directly from the pandemic itself. Causality has to be clearly established. The survey therefore focused on the attitudes and perceptions of oil sector workers, irrespective of whether a given indicator had been affected by the pandemic or is seen likely to be affected by it in the future. All those responding have reported the belief that economic indicators, such as GDP growth, inflation and trade had been impacted negatively by the spread of COVID-19. They also believed the effects of the pandemic on transport to have had direct effects on the oil industry.

The social impact of the pandemic was less apparent, particularly among governmental sector workers compared with those in the private sector. However, freelancers have reported some issues that may be become more apparent through aggregated data.

This study has presented some preliminary estimates of the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak on petroleum sector in Egypt. The goal was not to be definitive about the virus outbreak, but rather to provide information about a range of possible economic costs of the disease. While, a detailed quantification of the socioeconomic impact of the coronavirus pandemic may not be feasible, it is still useful to identify possible transmission channels through which the pandemic may affect the Egypt economy and society. It is also useful to identify key issues that are likely shape short- and medium-term socioeconomic prospects in Egypt as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak in Egypt.

This study aims to dissect firm knowledge into two main types: internal firm knowledge (knowledge workers) and external firm knowledge (relational knowledge with other firms). This study aims to investigate how each type affects the productivity of the firms. This study also examines how this effect differs among Egyptian firms in the agriculture, manufacturing and service sectors.

The authors use firm-level data in Egypt on the sectoral level. The properties of instrumental variables regression using two-stage least-squares estimation are adopted to overcome endogeneity and omitted variable bias in the empirical estimations.

The study’s findings reveal that the effects of internal and external knowledge on the firm productivity are sector-specific; knowledge-workers and relational knowledge are two times more effective for agriculture than manufacturing and service firms; external knowledge plays a vital role in increasing productivity relative to internal knowledge for the manufacturing sector; finally, internal and external knowledge has the same effect on the service firms.

This research adds to the body knowledge-based theory of the firm by examining the effects of internal and external knowledge on the firms’ productivity. In particular, the paper differentiates this effect across three sectors: agriculture, manufacturing and services. This paper also suggests a novel empirical methodology to address endogeneity and omitted variable bias in this literature of firm knowledge and productivity.

This study aims to explore the critical resisting and driving forces that inhibit or promote the implementation of total quality management (TQM) strategy in Egypt, in an attempt to determine whether TQM can be implemented effectively in this developing country. The domain of empirical study is the Egyptian ex‐public manufacturing firms. A mail questionnaire was used to collect the required data. A force‐field analysis was used for identifying the salient factors affecting TQM implementation in Egypt. Surprisingly, the findings indicated that forces that promote or prohibit TQM implementation obtained in one developing country might be generalizable to another less developed country. The investigation identified some driving forces that promote the implementation of TQM strategy by the Egyptian manufacturing firms. On the other hand, the investigation identified some roadblocks that prohibit the implementation of TQM by manufacturing firms. Managerial implications for the successful implementation of TQM are provided, and finally avenues for further research are recommended.

This paper aims to analyze the Egyptian revolution as an anti-systemic movement. It illustrates how Egypt’s position in the world-economy has affected its political economy orientation and led to the marginalization of critical masses, who launched the revolution.

The paper follows Wallerstein’s world-system analysis focusing on the anti-systemic movement concept. The paper analyzes the Egyptian case based on Annales school’s longue durée concept, which is a perspective to study developments of social relations historically.

The Egyptian revolution was not only against the autocratic regime but also against the power structure resulting from the neoliberal economic policies, introduced as a response to the capitalism crisis. It represented the voice of the forgotten. The revolution was one of the anti-systemic movements resisting the manifestations of the capitalist world-economy.

This paper aims at proving that the Egyptian revolution was an anti-systemic movement; which will continue to spread as a rejection to the world-system and to aspire a more democratic and egalitarian world. The current COVID-19 pandemic is exacerbating the crisis of the world-system.