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As a crucial institutional form established since the Chinese economic reform, the system of competitive local governments has been shaping the characteristics of China's socialist market economy to a considerable degree.

This study not only adopts the view of existing studies that attribute the economic motive of local governments to rent and consider land public finance as a means through which local governments carry out strategic investment but also attempts to further develop the view within a Marxist analytical framework.

As a result, the local governments have helped to maintain an incredibly high investment rate over a considerable period of time, facilitating the continuous, rapid growth of the Chinese economy.

This study concludes that China's local governments function as the productive allocator and user of rent in the strategic investment based on land public finance and thereby embed themselves in the relative surplus-value production initially arising from competition amongst enterprises, forming the dual structure of relative surplus-value production unique to China's economy.

Cannabis use continues to increase worldwide, and a number of nation states are changing their cannabis policies. Policy changes require research into key populations, namely, people who use cannabis. This study aims to examine sociodemographic differences of young Finns who reported using cannabis mainly for self-medication versus mainly recreationally, as well as their reported effects of cannabis use.

The data come from an anonymous online survey (N = 247, 70.0% males, 25.9% females, 4.1% other) that was analysed using multiple logistic regression. The authors focused on whether various demographic indicators differed between those who reportedly used cannabis mainly for recreational purposes and mainly for self-medicinal purposes. The authors also qualitatively examined the respondents’ experienced effects of cannabis, both desired and undesired.

Being older and female, living in a smaller city and earlier age of initiation of cannabis use were statistically significant in predicting the medicinal use of cannabis. The majority of recreational effects were related to themes such as relaxation and pleasure, but many participants also reported desired medical effects. Similarly, many participants reported several undesired effects.

Understanding especially young people’s motivations to use cannabis, which include using it for various medical effects, can improve the design of harm reduction and treatment programmes as well as enhance the well-being of people who use cannabis.

This study gives a nuanced account of sociodemographic factors and motivations of young people who use cannabis in Finland as well as the reported effects it has on them, which complements data from national drug surveys.

This paper aims to present a new survey data set of 9,065 private sector respondents and other stakeholder groups, in Myanmar. The primary aim of this paper is to offer new insight avenues on local business–conflict–development interactions, and offer the full survey data set itself as an open-source research tool for scholars and practitioners.

The survey was conducted over smartphone in 2018. It asked questions that aimed to better understand the relationships between business, ethnic conflict, investment, corporate social responsibility and the United Nations sustainable development goals in Myanmar and in Rakhine State in particular.

The data set captures a series of significant differences in corporate leadership perspectives on the role of business in society, across sectors (e.g. banking, agriculture, retail, manufacturing, extractives) and variations across firm country of ownership (e.g. national firms, Global North firms, Indian firms, Chinese firms).

The authors conclude with a brief discussion of possible research findings from the survey, offering suggestions for possible forward analysis. The authors offer here the raw survey data as an attachment for full global open-source use and application.

This data set offers a unique window into stakeholder perceptions and understandings of working through conflict, and the role of business in development in a fragile conflict-affected state (Myanmar). The authors also conduct two example analyses of the data set using ANOVA and Kruskal–Wallis tests to illustrate possible uses and findings of the data set.

The authors briefly discuss social implications as well, particularly regarding the role of business in peacebuilding and development.

This data set offers a unique window into stakeholder perceptions and understandings of working through conflict, and the role of business in development in a fragile conflict-affected state (Myanmar). The authors also conduct two example analyses of the data set using ANOVA and Kruskal–Wallis tests to illustrate possible uses and findings of the data set.

This research aimed to assess the leadership role of principals in the implementation of peace education in selected secondary schools in the Western Cape, South Africa.

This study employed qualitative research approach to assess the leadership role of principals in the implementation of peace education in selected secondary schools in the Western Cape, South Africa. Data were gathered from a small sample of six principals from six selected secondary schools which were engaged in the implementation of a peace education programme, and data were analysed using thematic content analyses.

Findings of the study suggest that principals possess a low level of understanding or awareness of their leadership role in the implementation of peace education. The study pointed out the constraints such as time constraints and learners' negative attitudes and social influences hinder the effective implementation of peace education in selected secondary schools.

First, the data were self-reported and therefore subject to social desirability bias; participants may have provided socially desirable responses rather than their true belief or experiences. Thus, participants may have overstated their role in and commitment to the peace education programme.

Studies that aim to explore alternative approaches to combat violence, such as peace education, are still limited in South Africa. Hence, this paper served to close that gap by contributing to the growing body of research on the leadership role of the principal in the implementation of peace education in the school and exploring barriers hampering its effective implementation.

This study aims to explore the role of rebel group legitimacy and ideology in durable peace (DP) following peace agreements to end civil wars. It builds on earlier research showing that justice and civil society involvement are critical in achieving DP. This study adds the impacts of rebel group activities and support on DP. Activities include service delivery and mobilization. Support is gauged with outcomes of presidential and parliamentary elections held following peace agreements.

Five data sets were used to measure the key variables: DP, inclusive commissions (IC), legitimacy symmetry (electoral outcomes), service delivery and ideological mobilization. A measure of rebel group integration in the political system was also constructed. Impacts of the integration, legitimacy and ideology variables were assessed with a hierarchical regression model (HRM). This study begins with a base model drawn from earlier research showing the key predictors were procedural justice (PJ) and IC. The authors ask about the extent to which the rebel group variables contribute additional variance to the prediction of DP.

The main contributors to the prediction of DP were PJ, IC and integration in the political system. None of the legitimacy or mobilization variables added significant variance to the prediction. Only one of the mobilization variables, forced recruitment, was significant. The decision to integrate into the political system following the agreement did not mediate the relationship between PJ in the negotiation process and DP. Results of a factor analysis showed that DP, PJ, IC and integration formed a cluster with strong loadings on the first factor.

The negative results for the legitimacy and mobilization variables may not be the last word on rebel group influences. Lack of support for the key hypotheses spurs attempts to discover other sources that contribute to the survival of rebel group actors in the political system and, in turn, to DP.

The issues raised by this study contribute to debates about ways to attain peaceful relations among competing groups following a civil war. It appears that attention to factors inside and around the negotiation process (PJ, ICs and conversion) may be more important than rebel group activities outside of these processes. The results call attention, in particular, to the important role played by political integration. From a policy perspective, it would be useful to develop levers for encouraging rebel groups to emerge as political actors in the post-agreement environment.

Developing measures of the symmetry of rebel group legitimacy and integration in the context of a comparative case study are the primary original contributions of this study. Furthermore, the mode of analysis (HRM) is novel in this literature. This approach builds on and extends the earlier research on factors influencing DP.

The purpose of this paper is to incorporate Chinese traditionality (CT) and patriotism (PAT) within the theory of reasoned action (TRA). It tests the moderating effect of gender with the aim to provide a deeper understanding of why Chinese tourists choose to take domestic travels.

Data is collected from 370 Chinese tourists. Convenience sampling is used. Structural equation modelling is used to test the proposed hypotheses.

The results of this paper show that PAT is positively related to tourists’ attitudes (ATs) and Chinese domestic travel intention (CTI). Moreover, CT is found to influence PAT, ATs and subjective norms (SNs) directly, as well as CTI indirectly. However, the positive relationship between PAT and SNs is not supported. Additionally, the influence of PAT on CTI for females is significantly higher than that for males.

The current paper adopts convenience sampling; data is collected using an online questionnaire which may cause sample bias and even reduce the reliability of the data. Future studies may adopt quota sampling based on the population of each province to gain more reliable data. Further research can consider including more constructs to better understand why Chinese people choose to travel domestically.

This paper is one of the first attempts to include PAT and CT within the TRA and contributes to the pool of literature on the TRA. It provides a comprehensive understanding of CTI. Second, PAT and CT are linked to the TRA, which expands the application of PAT and CT to the context of hospitality and tourism. Finally, the moderating role of gender contributes to the knowledge regarding the moderating effect between their respective relationships.

性别在中国传统与爱国主义对中国国内旅游意愿影响中的调节作用

摘要

本研究将中国传统性与爱国主义引入理性行为理论, 同时将性别作为调节变量, 目的在于探究中国游客选择国内游的原因。

通过分析便利抽样所收集的370份中国游客样本, 运用结构方程模型验证本研究的假设。

中国游客爱国主义能够正向显著影响其国内游的态度和旅游意向; 此外, 中国传统性也直接影响游客的爱国主义、态度和主观规范, 并且分别通过爱国主义、态度和主观规范间接影响旅游意向; 然而, 爱国主义和主观规范之间的关系却并没有得到验证; 最后, 女性游客的爱国主义对于旅游意向的影响作用显著高于男性游客。

首先, 本研究运用网络调研的方式进行便利抽样, 这一点有可能产生样本偏差, 甚至降低了样本的可信度, 未来研究可以根据各省人口数量采用配额抽样的方式进行抽样, 以期进一步提高数据的可信度; 其次, 更多的变量应当被引入研究, 以进一步探究中国游客选择国内游的原因。

首先, 本研究是为数不多的将爱国主义和中国传统性引入理性行为理论, 这一点进一步拓展了关于理性行为理论的研究范围, 也进一步加深了对于国内游原因的认识; 其次, 将爱国主义和中国传统性这一概念引入旅游领域, 进一步拓展了关于两者研究的边界; 最后, 在中国国内游的研究领域中, 将性别作为调节变量引入本研究一定程度上填补了在该领域研究中的不足。

La influencia de la moderación de género en la tradición China y el patriotismo en la intención de viajar dentro de China

Este research incorpora los conceptos a de la tradicionalidad China (TC) y el patriotismo (PAT) a la teoría de La Acción razonada (TAR), teniendo en cuenta el efecto moderador de género, con el objetivo de profundizar en la comprensión de porqué los turistas chinos eligen realizar viajes domésticos/nacionales.

A partir de los datos recolectados de 370 turistas chinos utilizando las muestras de cuestionarios realizados de manera on-line, éste estudio usa un modelado de ecuaciones estructurales para probar las hipótesis propuestas.

Los resultados demuestran que el PAT está positivamente relacionado con las actitudes del viajero y la intención de viaje nacional chino (IVNC).Es más, la tradicionalidad China (TC) influye en el Patriotismo (PAT), las actitudes del viajero chino (AVC) y también en las normas subjetivas (NS) directamente.Adicionalmente, la influencia del PAT en la intención de viaje del viajero doméstico chino, especialmente en mujeres, es significativamente mayor que en hombres.

Primero, el estudio adopta un muestreo de conveniencia y recopila cuestionarios on-line, lo que puede causar un sesgo en la muestra e incluso reducir la confiabilidad de los datos obtenidos.Los futuros estudios pueden adoptar un muestreo por cuotas basado en el número de población de cada una de las provincias de China, para obtener datos más relevantes.

Este estudio es uno de los primeros en incluir el PAT y el TC dentro de la TAR, que amplía la literatura sobre la TAR y proporciona una comprensión más completa de las actitudes del viajero chino.Segundo, el PAT y la TC están vinculados al TAR, el cuál expande la aplicación del PAT y la TC en el contexto del turismo en todas sus ramas.Por último, el rol moderador de género contribuye al conocimiento, sobre el efecto moderador entre sus respectivas relaciones.

The purpose of this paper is to explore to what extent the economic interdependence can affect the likelihood of conflict between States. Specially, over the past few decades, there has been a huge interest in the relationship between economic interdependence and political conflict. Liberals argue that economic interdependence lowers the possibility of war by increasing the weight of trading over the alternative of aggression; interdependent states would rather trade than invade; realists dismiss the liberal argument, arguing that high interdependence increases rather than decreases the probability of war. In anarchy, states must constantly worry about their security.

This paper highlights the content and level of economic interdependence between China and the USA since the beginning of China’s economic reform in 1979 and examines the impact of economic interdependence between them on their relationship toward Taiwan since 1995 and the probability of conflict.

Economic interdependence is proved to significantly decrease the onset of conflict between the two parties. This can be shown by comparing the number of armed conflicts during the pre-interdependence period to the number of armed conflicts after the economic interdependence there was an overage of 0.79 militarized interstate disputes (MIDs)/year, compared to 0.26 MIDs/year following China’s economic reforms; also, the length of the hostilities was longer during the pre-interdependence period (with an average of 11.13 months versus 5.33 months).

This means that economic interdependence does not completely prevent the outbreak of international conflicts, but it also plays a major role in influencing the conflict in terms of the conflict’s intensity, the use of armed force and the number of conflicts that occur between the economic interdependence states.

The Ukraine crisis, which began with Russia's military intervention, has violently jolted the modern world. The egregious Russian invasion of Ukraine, on the other hand, has arguably altered the trajectory of the world order. This whiff of war does not exclude any state because all states in the world system are economically, politically, and socially interconnected and dependent on one another. Bangladesh is also feeling the effects of the Ukraine crisis. The crisis has highlighted some challenging aspects of Bangladesh's foreign policy, testing the robustness and independence of its decision-making process regarding United Nations resolutions. Myanmar, like Bangladesh, has appeared befuddled in its response to the crisis. This paper examines how Bangladesh and Myanmar's foreign policy anticipated an unwanted labyrinth by the crisis, which made its moral credibility critical to some extent. Furthermore, the paper discusses how these two countries’ foreign policy trajectories became entangled at a difficult crossroads. We used secondary data sources backed up by scholarly works on Bangladesh and Myanmar foreign policy, relevant books, recent reports, and writings on the subject for this article. This paper also sheds light on Bangladesh's U-Turn in supporting and speaking out in support of the UN resolution on Ukraine's humanitarian crisis.