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The teaching of reading in English is fraught with challenges that influence teachers' practices in Papua New Guinea (PNG). There are a plethora of linguistic issues regarding teaching in both the vernacular languages and English. Postcolonial education in PNG has continued to promote English as the medium of instruction while also promoting the use of vernacular and mother tongue. The outcomes-based education reform in the Language and Literacy Policy (1993–2014) supported the use of vernacular languages in the elementary years with the gradual bridging to English in Grade 3. In 2015, the Language and Literacy policy changed to standards-based education. One major shift was from the use of vernacular languages to English as a medium of instruction at all levels of formal education.

In this chapter, we use Tierney's concept of decolonizing spaces to investigate teachers' perspectives on implementing the English standards-based curriculum and the role the vernacular, mother tongue, and translanguaging plays in the classroom as Year 4 teachers grapple with the teaching of reading. It will problematize the colonization of English, the place of translanguaging, and the benefits and challenges for teachers when the classroom teacher most likely is not a native speaker of the children's dialect or English.

The purpose of this monograph is to present the first English translation of a unique French colonial report on women living under colonial rule in West Africa.

The issue begins with a discussion of the contribution this report makes to the history of social development policy in Africa, and how it serves the on‐going critique of colonisation. This is followed by the English translation of the original report held in the National Archives of Senegal. The translation is accompanied by explanatory notes, translator’s comments, a glossary of African and technical terms, and a bibliography.

The discussion highlights contemporary social development policies and practices which featured in identical or similar forms in French colonial social policy.

As the report demonstrates, access to basic education and improving maternal/infant health care have dominated the social development agenda for women in sub‐Saharan Africa for over a century, and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future in the Millennium Development Goals which define the international community’s agenda for social development to 2015. The parallels between colonial and post‐colonial social policies in Africa raise questions about the philosophical and cultural foundations of contemporary social development policy in Africa and the direction policy is following in the 21st century.

Though the discussion adopts a consciously postcolonial perspective, the report that follows presents a consciously colonial view of the “Other”. Given the parallels identified here between contemporary and colonial policy‐making, this can only add to the value of the document in exploring the values that underpin contemporary social development practice.

During the past two decades, both West Africa and Central Africa have suffered a large number of intertwined wars. In both regions, these ‘webs of war’ have included interstate conflicts and rivalry, as well as wars over the control of many of the involved states. Existing perspectives tend to reduce these intertwined wars to a series of parallel civil wars within each of the various states. They see states as operating at the regional level, whereas the armed opposition to those states operates only at the national level. This chapter argues that many armed, non-state groups in West Africa and Central Africa should be seen as regional actors, and thus that conventional two-level analysis does not catch the complexity of conflict in those regions. Although major violence continues in Central Africa, it has largely been contained in West Africa. This needs to be seen in relation to the level of institutionalization of security and military cooperation in the two regions. In both regions, regional organizations carried out military operations that were highly controversial among their member-states. In West Africa, a series of interventions strengthened both regional cooperation and cooperation with external partners, whereas in Central Africa this was not the case. In West Africa, peace support operations have increasingly been carried out within a regional perspective. Not so in Central Africa. The chapter concludes with an examination of efforts to build a capacity for peace support operations within the African Union, based on subregional organizations but with strong involvement by external actors.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the proposed eco currency union has sufficient business cycle synchronization among its members to avoid problems such as those experienced in the last several years by countries in the eurozone. This monetary union would potentially include 18 countries – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Republic of the Congo, Cote d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal and Togo – which collectively have a GDP of over 744 billion dollars and a population of over 300 million people.

The authors will apply some recently created econometric tools that were developed specifically to investigate business cycle synchronization in the eurozone. These tools – denoted synchronicity and similarity – overcome some of the limitations of previous studies which have used vector autoregressions and suffered simultaneity bias as a result.

The different measures employed suggest that the potential members of the eco exhibit a very low level of synchronization. Nigeria in particular, which is heavily dependent on oil, as are some, but not all potential members, would be the largest member, and exhibits a very low level of synchronization with other prospective eco member nations. Finally, preliminary evidence from several countries which have joined the existing African currency unions does not indicate that the act of joining a currency union improves synchronization, and this result contradicts the “endogenous optimal currency area” hypothesis.

Like previous studies on the topic, the authors rely on the available data. The number of observations is more limited than would be optimal.

The results would strongly caution against the creation of the eco currency union, as members appear even less ready for monetary integration than countries in the eurozone did.

This is the first study to apply the synchronicity and similarity tools to the prospective West African eco nations.

The paper analyses the prevalence of extreme and multidimensional poverty in line with the sustainable development agenda. In addition, the paper examines the drivers of extreme poverty while accounting for the potential spillover effect of poverty in the region.

The study adopts the pooled OLS with Discroll-Kraay robust standard errors to control for cross-sectional dependence. In addition, given the strong potential for endogeneity of poverty index, the authors also employ the generalized method of moments (GMM), which accounts for simultaneity and endogeneity problems, and the spatial error and lag models to control for all forms of spatial and temporal dependence since the factors that affect poverty disperse across borders.

The study finds that in addition to the traditional drivers of poverty (unemployment, low per capita GDP growth and public debt), poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa is a symptom of a deeper structural problem (lack of access to water and sanitation, high level of corruption and low level of financial development, and frequent economic busts). Likewise, the results from the spatial econometric specification show, consistently across all the specifications, that there is a substantial spillover effect of poverty across the region.

The main novelty of the paper is that the authors investigate the “economic shrinkage hypothesis,” and examined the potential negative spillover effect of poverty in the region.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the currency union (CU) effect on aggregate intra-trade in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and on bilateral trade among individual countries using the gravity model.

Using panel dynamic ordinary least square, we examined the short- and long-run CU effect on aggregate intra-ECOWAS trade and bilateral trade among ECOWAS countries from 1995 to 2010. Chow poolability test was conducted for the appropriateness of pooling the cross-section parameters as against individual model. The augmented Dickey–Fuller (ADF) test; the Phillips–Perron (PP) test; and the Kwiatkowski, Phillips, Schmidt and Shin (KPSS) test were conducted on the individual data series, and the Levin, Lin and Chu test; the Im, Pesaran and Shin test; the Breitung test; and the Hadri test were used for testing cross-sectional independent panel unit root tests. Kao panel cointegration test was conducted to identify long-run relationships.

We found evidence of significant positive CU effect on aggregate intra-ECOWAS trade. The estimates also show that Benin, Burkina Faso, Niger, Senegal and Togo trade more with countries they share common currency with than what they would have been in both short and long run. We again observed that CU is insignificant in explaining Cote d’Ivoire, Mali and Senegal intra-trade with ECOWAS countries, though their observed intra-trade with ECOWAS is relatively high which is found to be explained by export diversification.

The findings reveal that CU is good for aggregate intra-regional trade though some individual members respond negative to CU. The finding of diversification as a necessary tool to increase intra-regional trade imply that as effort of introducing single currency is being pursued rigorously, effort to diversify export or trade complement should not be overlooked.

There exist panel studies on CU on aggregate intra-regional trade in ECOWAS. However, there is a need to have country level study to identify CU effect on each country, as it is sensitive to country-specific factors which are unobservable in time series analysis of group of countries. Also, our group estimate differs in methodology in the sense that the dynamic generalised least takes care of endogeneity in trade gravity literature.

This publication aims to document the most relevant features of the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) in 23 African and six Arab countries. The purpose of this paper is to provide a simple presentation of current levels; the main differences, according to background characteristics; and observed trends in the last 10-15 years. Considering past, current and future demographic dynamics helps identify possible scenarios for elimination.

Data on FGM have been collected through Demographic Health Surveys since 1990, with about 50 surveys conducted in 23 countries with FGM concentrations, and through Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys since 2000, with about 31 surveys conducted in 18 countries with prevalent FGM. Reliable data on the practice are now available for all African countries where the practice is concentrated, plus Iraq and Yemen. Statistical information is currently not available for countries where FGM has been newly identified, such as India and Indonesia.

Approximately 130 million girls have undergone FGM in countries where the practice remains prevalent. If programmatic interventions and resources remain the same or decline, over 15.2 million girls will be subject to FGM. However if the 17 target countries attain their respective annual rates of reduction, four million girls will have been protected from FGM. Demographic analysis of FGM demonstrates that it is a practice that occurs within specific socio-cultural parameters, such as place of residence, and reproductive health and status. Interventions focusing on abandonment should take into consideration gender inequalities, how manifest, exacerbating high fertility and very young populations.

Gender equality has a catalytic effect on the achievement of inclusive and progressive human development, good governance, sustained peace, and harmonious dynamics between environments and human populations – all of which are at the centre of sustainable development and human rights.

The case studies focusing on Burkina Faso and Guinea show that characteristics such as the mother’s educational level and whether or not she experienced FGM, religious background and ethnicity provide valuable information in determining who is subject to FGM and defining the milieu in which they live. This information corroborates other studies finding that ethnic and religious background are strong determinants.

Presented analysis strongly highlights the importance of data in understanding the context within which FGM programmes operate, especially those that target local communities. Djibouti, with a rapidly growing urban population, should focus on prevention programmes in cities. A highly rural country such as Guinea-Bissau will take a different approach, as only a few ethnic groups practice FGM.

This is one of the first attempts to analyse and have a better understanding of the demographic, social and economic context of the practice. It aims to highlight the population and development issues surrounding the social norms of FGM.