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This paper takes a contemplative analysis of non-violent activism in a hyperlocal context that is historically marked by violent clashes. It emphasizes the importance of placing nonviolent activities within leadership frameworks that prioritize collectivity, collaboration, adaptiveness, authenticity, and community interactions. It argues that non-violent activism can serve as a cornerstone of democratic practices, and plausible to a myriad of challenges in civic spaces. The assertion that violence is not a prerequisite for gaining the attention of authorities capable of enacting societal change is supported by several studies. This paper advocates for a reorientation of collaborative efforts between those in positions of authority and civil society leaders to foster progress. There is power in the decibel of voices of the people, to correct acts of omission and commission that is impacting negatively on the citizens. In context characterized by volatility and fragility, the paper suggests prioritizing the process of influencing, mobilizing and organizing responsive interventions rather than solely focusing on the ends or outcomes. Process-oriented approach creates containers for curiosity, relational, and experimental practices that interweave multi-dimensional perspectives. The social change actors navigated cultural and structural barriers to implement non-violent strategies, offering a compelling example of grassroots peace building. Overall, this paper findings underscores the significance of understanding both direct and structural violence in shaping citizen’s right within specific context. It highlights the efficacy of context-based leadership practices in promoting non-violent organizing for peace, particularly in hyperlocal settings. Moreover, it suggests that these findings could inform indigenous peace building that is inherently influenced by contextual factors.

Adopting a case study, I was able to elucidate a context-based leadership model advanced by local women that averted a probable political violence in Nigeria. A case study approach was adopted because it is a phenomenon that is bounded in time, context and advanced by a particular group of change agents. A case study with a constructivist approach was utilized to understand the context and sense making of the “why” and the “what”. In situatedness, the natural occurring data was cultivated, including one-on-one indepth interviews. Data was analyzed using a narrative analysis, which raised themes on resilience, collectivity, collaboration, risk and sustainability. The findings pivot a culturally based experience of leadership by women in a fragile context. First, I provided a contextual background, explaining the local context, including the socio-economic, cultural, political and historical factors that contributed to the emergence of the conflict. In addition, I explained the scope and nature of the conflict, describing the grievances and issues that led to the tensions within the community, and highlighting the key actors and stakeholders involved. Secondly, I analyzed the non-violent strategies and tactics employed by a group of social change actors to address the issue which involved non-violent protest, tactical community organizing, dialogic engagements and creative forms of interventions. Thirdly, I evaluated and explained the role of leadership in coordinating non-violent activities and actions, the effectiveness of their leadership style, relational and processual, that sustained the non -violent approach, and the challenges the group encountered. In addition, I explained the outcome from such leadership practice and lessons learned, with evidence of a dismantling of power dynamics, and shift in attitude to a non-violent disposition. Lastly, I explained how this approach may have broader implications for understanding nonviolent conflict resolution, social movements, and the promotion of peace and justice in local contexts and beyond.

A leadership practice that is relational and collective should have consideration for both the context where the leadership is exercised and deliberate on the processes necessary to hold containers for everyone to engage. This is gradually dismantling the hegemonic conceptualization of peace building, with a gradual shift of co-construction and sense making of peace building, with implication for more diversity and inclusion of persons and perspectives. It also underscores a system that deconstructs and departs form colonized thinking and contributes to conditions that enables and inspires alternative approaches to addressing oppressive power structures. (1) In unstable situations, leadership frequently arises from within communities, driven by individuals and groups intimately connected to their realities. The Nassarawan women embody this grassroots leadership, marked by wisdom, resilience, and a dedication to creating positive change despite significant obstacles. They embrace non-violent strategies, inspired by past successes, recognizing their potency in effecting change. (2) The leadership of these women illustrates the importance of mobilizing collective strength for justice and equality, showcasing how local leadership can catalyze transformative change for the better. (3) Indigenous styles of leadership possess the capacity to go beyond conventional concepts and embrace intricacy, flexibility, and inclusiveness. A multi-faceted leadership strategy becomes especially pertinent as it enables individuals to navigate complexity, confront challenges, and cultivate resilience within their communities, rather than depending solely on traditional methods.(4) The practice of peace leadership isn’t necessarily linked to official positions, titles, or authority. Rather, it appears as a continuous, intentional effort within community interactions, often arising from unexpected situations and sources.

Most of the women engaged in this leadership activity are located in remote areas, and this research had access to only a few who storied their experiences in ways they understood how to.

With the rapid shift and call for more non-violent activism, we must be open to sample the different textures relevant for varied conditions. This holds a huge implication for understanding the psychology of communities expressing the full human agency in exercising leadership that is contextually driven. The connection between local struggles and global movements for social justice and human rights is profound and multifaceted. Firstly, there’s a shared value across movements for equity, equality, justice, dignity, and human rights, spanning issues like environmental protection, gender equality, racial justice, and indigenous rights. Local movements increasingly emphasize building solidarity across borders, collaborating with similar movements worldwide through actions like protests and social media campaigns. This amplifies local voices on a global stage and underscores the interconnectedness of struggles. The leadership of the women’s group holds significant implications for global movements, offering insights into grassroots perspectives on social issues. Their localized knowledge enriches global discourse on social change, providing tangible examples of challenges faced by marginalized groups and culturally relevant solutions. Additionally, their commitment to nonviolent methods establishes a platform for marginalized voices and fosters solidarity across diverse communities. The group’s innovative approaches, drawing upon local resources and grassroots networks, demonstrate the power of community-driven solutions to address social problems. Moreover, their grassroots empowerment shifts power dynamics within communities and influences broader systemic transformations, all while advocating for justice through peaceful means. These practices not only spark global solidarity but also shape public discourse and policy agendas at state and national levels, highlighting the human rights implications of local issues like political corruption. Overall, the women’s group exemplifies the transformative potential of grassroots activism in effecting lasting change on a global scale.

The power for everyday peace leadership rests with the people and it is translated into meaningful outcomes when everyone has the opportunity to lead.

Research has been done on many women led movement in Nigeria, but this is unique, as it changed the narrative for an approach that was successful in shifting cultural boundaries in very fragile and uncertain context.

This study aims to critically discuss and reorient the diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) debate toward the idea of addressing and rectifying the pervasive structural inequalities that DEI, in its undiluted form rooted in social justice (SJ), aims to combat. Drawing on Bourdieu, the study first examines the diffusion and contestation of DEI into international business (IB). It then proposes a Bourdieu-inspired agenda to advance the transposition of SJ principles into IB.

The study interpretively reconstructs the process of DEI’s ideational diffusion. It examines how the interplay between ideas and field dynamics in IB shapes ideational processes and outcomes.

In response to rising global inequalities – to which multinational enterprises (MNEs) have significantly contributed – SJ movements have propelled DEI into the wider social and political arena, including corporate boardrooms. Within IB, a diluted version of DEI – IB-DEI – emerged as a paradigm to improve MNEs’ performance, but failed to address underlying structural inequalities. As the social impacts, utility and legitimacy of DEI have been challenged, the DEI debate has come to a flux. The study proposes conceptual and contextual extension of DEI within IB and advancing socially engaged research and practice that help reinforce DEI’s core SJ purpose – tackling structural inequalities.

The study is one of the few to openly tackle SJ-IB contradictions on DEI, while advancing the application of Bourdieu to critical studies of IB.

Older people in Ethiopia are a vulnerable group due to the lack of governmental and societal support. The absence of national social protection and the decline in family support contributes to older adults’ vulnerability, furthering a climate of ageism. This study aims to explore the role of the Ethiopian Elders and Pensioner's National Association (EEPNA) in reframing the image of older adults and advocating for their rights.

Data were collected using multiple approaches: interviews with older adult members of EEPNA (n = 8), a focus group of older members (n = 7) and key informant interviews (n = 3). Narrative data was analyzed using thematic content analysis.

Findings revealed that EEPNA plays a pivotal role in promoting access to services and advocating for older adults’ rights, offering capacity-building programs, supporting vulnerable older adults to gain access to secure incomes and strengthening the network of older peoples’ associations. Older participants noted that the government had not ratified the National Convention for Older People, creating a considerable challenge to the association’s efforts.

Stakeholders can advocate with and on behalf of older adults to enhance the societal view of older adults in Ethiopia and to promote policies to increase their access to needed resources.

Using a strengths-based approach, this study presents the perspectives of older adult advocates who are fighting to create awareness of the needs of vulnerable older people in Ethiopia and to advance their rights.

In this article, I answer the call to normalize and discuss how ethnographers navigate failure in the field by sharing my own experiences from long-term fieldwork in Malawi. I highlight, particularly, my own struggles with feelings of failure and the role of my interlocutors in helping me navigate and understand these situations.

My argument is based on more than 18 months of ongoing in-depth ethnographic fieldwork in Malawi, where I study the everyday practices of civil servants active in disaster governance, focusing on those working for the Malawi Government Department of Disaster Management Affairs (DODMA).

I use ethnographic vignettes to show how my interlocutors tried to teach me what being a Malawian civil servant is all about, which often came most forcefully to the fore in moments where either I or they deemed that I had failed to behave like one.

This adds new empirical data to the discussions on the various manifestations and roles of failure in ethnographic research, underlining how frictions and feelings of failure are a difficult yet productive and central part of fieldwork and ethnographic data creation.

This paper aims to provide an evaluation of the new education system, based on Life Skills and Citizenship Education (LSCE), in Egyptian primary schools. This study analyzes how effective could be the implementation of LSCE in the process of constructing active democratic citizens, in particular, in the case of Egypt, highlighting problems facing the new education approach.

The study methodologies are twofold; the content analysis of the primary one new curriculum “Discover”, to assess the curriculum's strengths and weakness; and the questionnaire to the primary six students, to investigate the relationship among the twelve life skills.

Content analysis of the textbook shows that the learning process based on LSCE is appropriate for the construction of active citizens. The textbook provides Egyptian children with the necessary opportunities to learn and create, through creative participatory methods. The relationship between the social dimension and other dimensions has been proven by means of the chi-square test. The relationship between participation and the two approximately absent skills “resilience and empathy” has been clarified as both are strongly interrelated with participation. The results illuminate a strong relationship between participation and the remaining life skills.

More questionnaires are needed to assess the grade of life skills achievement among students in grade one and two, as it is regarded one of the limitations of the present study, owing to the complicated procedures and the limited time.

The research suggests the formulation of wider project-based activities to be included in the textbooks of all the primary grades. In this regard, real contribution with NGOs and local governments shall be developed to facilitate the involvement of children in actual projects, in accordance with their ages, and to encourage students to participate, as they notice the efficient results of their contribution.

The research stresses on the importance of enhancing participation, as it is proven through the chi-square test that it is strongly related to other skills.

The scarcity of analytical studies to evaluate the effectiveness of citizenship education programs on children, after the application of the new Egyptian education system.

Does the history of the bureaucratic system, along with the establishment of the Great Wall during the Ming and Qing dynasties (1368–1911), affect firm behavior across the borderlands of the Great Wall?

The Ming and Qing dynasties built a centralized administrative system in the borderlands on the south side of the Great Wall, in contrast to the “feudal lordship” system on the north side. Employing a regression discontinuity analysis framework with the Great Wall as a geographical discontinuity, we examine the long-run effects of the Great Wall on firms’ earnings management.

Using a large sample of nonlisted firms in the central core frontier region, we show that the earnings management of firms in the region south of the Great Wall is significantly curtailed compared with firms in the north of it, and this effect is more pronounced for non-SOEs. Our findings are robust to a battery of tests to account for alternative explanations.

Overall, by emphasizing the role of institutions, like legal system, shaped in history on firms’ earnings management, this study sheds new light on institutional determinants of firms’ behaviors in earnings information disclosure.

First, we enrich our understanding of the institutional determinants of firms’ financial reporting outcomes. Second, our findings shed new light on the long-term effects of historical ruling styles on modern corporate behavior.

The leaves of the Erythroxylum “coca” plant are a well-known food, beverage, and nutraceutical in their native Andean region. A decade ago, the European non-profit “Amigos de la Hoja de Coca” (Friends of the Coca Leaf) operated a short-lived fair-trade in raw coca leaves between Bolivia and the European Union. The chronicles of this initiative can be insightful, as interest in natural, wellness, and self-care products continues rising in Europe.

Historical review of the inception, and documentation of the organisation of the scheme and its outcome, via all primary sources available.

From the 1990s to the early 2010s, civil society groups organised several campaigns to normalise coca leaf in Europe, finding echo at the European Parliament, culminating in 2012-2013 when a periodical distribution system was set-up: growers in Bolivia shipped 150 g. coca leaf packets directly to Friends of the Coca Leaf members in Europe. Initially, most parcels reached their recipients without issue but after technical hurdles and reduced political support, the scheme was eventually discontinued.

European civil society campaigns surrounding coca have been poorly documented. Historically, Friends of the Coca Leaf emerged alongside Cannabis social clubs, but only the latter has prospered. While Friends of Coca Leaf was short-lived, its political outcomes (both at the institutional level and via a fair and do-it-yourself trade initiative) may prove inspirational to current drug policy reform discussions.

Integrating institutional logic theory with institutional configurational perspective, this study proposes a theoretical framework to explore the configurational effect of multiple institutional logics, including state, market, and social logics, on social entrepreneurship (SE) participation.

Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) survey combined with other international databases, this study applies a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to identify the pathways that how state, market and social logics jointly promote or hinder high SE prevalence among 38 developing countries.

Results show that high SE prevalence rates are achieved through the interaction of multiple institutional logics rather than by any single factor and identify three institutional configuration pathways leading to high SE participation. Further, the pathways impeding high SE participation are not simply the negation of conditions that lead to high SE prevalence.

This study not only extends the institutional logics perspective to SE, enriching the growing research stream on how institutional complexity shapes entrepreneurial activities globally, but also underscores the significance of asymmetric institutional conditions in determining the presence and absence of high SE prevalence. These results have implications for policymakers to improve entrepreneurial institutional configurations that foster social entrepreneurial activities.

Compared with conventional statistical methods, which have limited effectiveness in exploring the synergies of multiple factors, the fsQCA method offers a more robust analysis of the causal complexity of institutional logics promoting or discouraging SE participation.

This paper aims to answer the question: To what extent should neurodiverse students experience improved access to public universities in Egypt and why?

A systematic qualitative research method was used with data collected through semi-structured interviews with 44 educators in four universities in Egypt. A thematic approach was implemented to analyze the collected data.

The addressed educators believe that greater representation of neurodiverse students in their schools should be a priority for the following four reasons: first, neurodiverse students represent a promising new market segment schools could benefit from; second, recruiting more neurodiverse students represents a chance for schools and faculties to prove the social role they can undertake; third, schools can benefit from the unique skills many neurodiverse students have, particularly in mathematical and computational skills; and fourth, the greater the representation of neurodiverse students, the more research projects and funding opportunities educators can obtain.

This paper contributes by filling a gap in diversity management, higher education and human resources management in which empirical studies on the representation of neurodiverse individuals in public universities have been limited so far.

This paper aims at contributing to our understanding of how self-settled Syrian refugees (registered and non-registered) use informal practices to forge their non-political agency and how this agency could be considered as political acts.

This paper was conducted per the qualitative data analysis (in-depth interviews and participant observation), attributed to the critical ethnographic approach, through which refugees’ everyday struggle is explored, additionally, that was incorporated with the analysis of Syrians’ Facebook groups and formal sources.

The research paper concluded that everyday struggle strategies are considered as political acts by acquiring rights that many self-settled Syrian refugees are stripped of by international humanitarian agencies and host government. Hence, registered and unregistered refugees equally forge what is called “informal citizenship” through their presence via a blend of agency forms ranging from hidden agency to explicit one and via their incorporating into the informal contexts, leading them to carve a position of semi-legality that help them to circumvent the formal structural hardship.

This paper endeavors to study how urban refugees as change agents can convert their illegal presence to “probably refugeeness” to unsettle the prominent recognition of them as illegal non-citizens in southern cities.