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The World Bank report Changing Wealth of Nations 2018 is only the most recent reminder of how much poorer Africa is becoming, losing more than US$100 billion annually from minerals, oil, and gas extraction, according to (quite conservatively framed) environmentally sensitive adjustments of wealth. With popular opposition to socioeconomic, political, and ecological abuses rising rapidly in Africa, a robust debate may be useful: between those practicing anti-extractivist resistance, and those technocrats in states and international agencies who promote “ecological modernization” strategies. The latter typically aim to generate full-cost environmental accounting, and to do so they typically utilize market-related techniques to value, measure, and price nature. Between the grassroots and technocratic standpoints, a layer of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) do not yet appear capable of grappling with anti-extractivist politics with either sufficient intellectual tools or political courage. They instead revert to easier terrains within ecological modernization: revenue transparency, project damage mitigation, Free Prior and Informed Consent (community consultation and permission), and other assimilationist reforms. More attention to political-economic and political-ecological trends – including the end of the commodity super-cycle, worsening climate change, financial turbulence and the potential end of a 40-year long globalization process – might assist anti-extractivist activists and NGO reformers alike. Both could then gravitate to broader, more effective ways of conceptualizing extraction and unequal ecological exchange, especially in Africa’s hardest hit and most extreme sites of devastation.

In recent years, with the advent of the phenomenon known as corporate social responsibility (CSR), transnational corporations have moved away from traditional modes of philanthropic largesse, to a focus on ‘community engagement’, partnership, empowerment and ‘social investment’. This chapter draws on ethnographic research, tracing the practise of CSR in a transnational mining company, from its corporate headquarters in London, to its mining operations on South Africa's platinum belt. It explores how the practices of corporate–community partnership – and the goal of ‘self-sustainability’ that the company propounds – project the company as a vehicle of empowerment as it strives to convert ‘beneficiaries’ to the values and virtues of the market with an injunction to ‘help yourself’ to a piece of ‘the market’ and share the opportunities that it offers. However, while the promise of CSR holds out this vision of mutual independence and self-sustainability, I argue that the practise of CSR reinscribes older relations of patronage and clientelism which recreate the coercive bonds of ‘the gift’, inspiring deference and dependence, on the part of the recipient, rather than autonomy and empowerment.

A long period of capitalist crisis has amplified uneven and combined development in most aspects of political economy and political ecology in most parts of the world, with a resulting increase in the eco-social metabolism of profit-seeking firms and their state supporters. This is especially with the revival of extraction-oriented corporations, especially fossil fuel firms, which remain the world’s most profitable. What opportunities arise for as multi-faceted a critique of “extractivism” as the conditions demand? With ongoing paralysis of United Nations climate negotiators, to illustrate, the most critical question for several decades to come is whether citizen activism can forestall further fossil fuel combustion. In many settings, the extractive industries are critical targets of climate activists, for example, where divestment of stocks is one strategy, or refusing access to land for mining is another. Invoking climate justice principles requires investigating the broader socio-ecological and economic costs and benefits of capital accumulation associated with fossil fuel use, through forceful questioning both by immediate victims and by all those concerned about GreenHouse Gas emissions. Their solidarity with each other is vital to nurture and to that end, the most powerful anti-corporate tactic developed so far, indeed beginning in South Africa during the anti-apartheid struggle, appears to be financial sanctions. The argumentation for invoking sanctions against the fossil fuel industry (and its enablers such as international shipping) is by itself insufficient. Also required is a solid activist tradition. There are, in 2014, two inter-related cases in which South African environmental justice activists have critiqued multi-billion dollar investments, and thus collided with the state, with two vast parastatal corporations and with their international financiers. Whether these collisions move beyond conflicting visions, and actually halt the fossil-intensive projects, is a matter that can only be worked out both through argumentation – for example, in the pages below – and through gaining the solidarity required to halt the financing of climate change.

This chapter discusses the influence of the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC) 10 Principles on multinational mining companies’ (mining multinational enterprise (MNE)) corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities and strategies.

Business ethics, mining management, CSR, stakeholder, and social contracting literatures are integrated with case vignettes to examine the UNGC’s role in motivating efficacious, benevolent CSR in mining.

Mining industry groups and some mining MNEs have adopted and fully implemented UNGC principles while other mining MNEs have not. The variation manifests as a gap between CSR form and CSR substance. Mining industry bodies such as International Council for Mining and Minerals, stakeholders, and private monitors have increased pressure to narrow this gap. The UNGC acts as a catalyst to create and codify valid hypernorms and to build trust and managerial buy-in in mining MNEs’ CSR.

Reliance on selected cases and extant literature indicates, but does not fully support, conclusions.

Mining MNEs are advised to pursue CSR activities which integrate social contracting and precepts of the UNGC. The results would be happier, less antagonistic to stakeholder communities, and less questioning of mining MNEs’ legitimacy.

This chapter integrates above-mentioned literature and cases to advise academics, governance officials and private monitors, and mining MNE managers on effective integration of the UNGC into mining through social contracting.

Considerations about governance at the level of local or national often focus on how engaged citizens are in protecting democracy, the influence of civil society on policy making and whether or not attaining specific developmental objectives can be justified if the rights of citizens are trampled on in the process. Corporate governance as well as the way national and local governments practise governance can have direct impact on communities located in areas near to extractive industries and even further afield. However, although risk analyses are considered in feasibility studies, including the conduct of environmental impact assessments of mining investments, what has attracted less attention are the consequences of poor governance in managing/mitigating risks when communities which traditionally are ‘resource guardians’ are not consulted during stakeholder discussions as part of investment negotiations.Academic literature and popular media are replete with examples of the high price paid by some communities, including loss of lives and livelihoods, when investors and governments ignore opportunities for meaningful engagement with stakeholders. And, although recommendations have been made on how to improve meaningful stakeholder engagement, the various discussions/articles have not revealed consensus on how best to create meaningful stakeholder engagement in regions rich in natural resources sometimes described as suffering from ‘resource curse’. In considering ways in which meaningful stakeholder engagement could convert the resource curse into ‘resource blessings’, the question may well be asked, what are the indicators of meaningful stakeholder engagement and how can this be strengthened through greater transparency in governance?Drawing on a case study of diamond mining in Botswana and the mining of platinum in South Africa, this chapter provides an overview of approaches to risk assessment by companies and governments and examines key indicators of governance which impact on the lives and livelihoods of communities directly affecting by mining operations. In addition, the author highlights how risks associated with poor governance can derail attainment of development objectives as well as opportunities that act as catalysts in transforming communities and meeting national development objectives.

This chapter seeks to explore what responsible management entailed in the country of Ghana, with regard to gold trade. Responsible management ‘… addresses the specific strategies, tactics or actions managers ought to pursue to address business’s accountability, obligations and duties to society and stakeholders’ (Carroll et al., 2019, p. 57). The Akan moral saying, ‘To possess virtue is better than gold’, purports that good ethics is of more value compared to wealth; and underpins Afro-communitarianism where common societal good is priced over individual gains. ‘The gold mining sector was largely administered by the Abusa system, which is still a feature in agriculture in modern Ghana’ (Iliffe, 1995, p. 147). This system operated a tripartite profit-sharing scheme, where the chief who is the landholder, received one-third of the production, the lessee or operator of the mine one-third and the workers the last third (Iliffe, 1995, p.147). Some traditional values and ethical concepts that guided doing business in ancient Ghana will be expounded in this chapter.

A rich and productive history of collaborative research has given the University of Cape Town (UCT) many opportunities to observe the traditional workings of research partnerships across all levels – and to recognise how new models of collaboration might better address the United Nations’ (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Human needs are intertwined with a healthy environment and require specific policy interventions by various actors. Responses to COVID-19 demonstrated the significance of such interventions. The African Union’s Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want (which is aligned to achieving the SDGs in Africa) notes the interrelated factors that can often only be analysed effectively through interdisciplinary approaches. In this chapter, the authors use case studies to argue that the minimum requirements for achieving the SDGs are: rethinking partnerships that support the socioecological systems on which life and the future of both humanity and the planet depend; adopting an approach that informs the management and governance of specific geographic areas and how the world and its millions of different communities work together to achieve those goals; and cultivating partnerships that are ‘Global South friendly’ with the objective of creating equitable societies at a global scale.

This chapter examines the changing nature of frontline supervision in light of the supervisory training and development programme which was provided to shift-bosses in order to complement the workplace change processes that AfricaGold embarked on to improve operational efficiency, productivity and safety of its mining operations. Although the training course was an important workplace change initiative taken by top management to improve organisational, individual and team performance at the rock-face where it mattered most, lack of organisational and managerial support prevented frontline supervisors from effectively implementing what they learned on the training course. The chapter highlights the importance of not only providing organisational change-focused training, but also systematically and strategically involving frontline supervisors in the conceptualisation, design, execution and evaluation of workplace change initiatives. It is only when frontline supervisors are supported, managerially and organisationally, that they can be deal-makers rather than deal-breakers for a successful introduction and execution of change initiatives on the shop-floor.