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Cosmopolitanism and xenocentrism denote distinct individual orientations toward cultural outgroups. The former considers an individual’s openness to cultural diversity and ability to navigate through intercultural environments, whereas the latter describes an individual’s feelings of admiration or preference for specific cultural outgroup(s), over his/her ingroup. Few studies have simultaneously examined these constructs and fewer still have considered these within a nomological framework of key predictors (i.e. basic psychological needs) and practical outcomes (e.g. influentialness and friendships across different groups). The paper aims to discuss these issues.

The authors hypothesized a series of relationships of various antecedents and outcomes of cosmopolitanism and xenocentrism, and tested these conjectures using survey data from Canadians (n=238) and Americans (n=239).

The findings support the psychometric robustness of our tripartite operationalization of xenocentrism, and clearly distinguish this construct from cosmopolitanism. Beyond confirming earlier findings, the authors illuminate several novel relationships (e.g. between basic psychological needs, cosmopolitanism and xenocentrism), and elucidate the role played by a key personality dimension, neuroticism, in mediating the relationships between basic psychological needs and the two outgroup orientations.

Samples of this study are drawn from North America and a cross-sectional research design is used.

Whereas for xenocentric consumers admiration of one or more foreign culture(s) displaces customary preferences for one’s own cultural group, cosmopolitan consumers are able to embrace outside cultures without disaffection from their sociocultural ingroup. Given the obvious repercussions of these differences for targeting international consumer segments and for positioning brands across borders, our research has numerous practical applications as well as theoretical implications.

This study aims to examine the effects of cosmopolitanism on organizational commitment (OC), with a particular focus on the mediating impact of the employees’ challenge-oriented and affiliation-oriented organizational citizenship behaviors within the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The researcher has adopted the theory of planned behavior, the theory of reasoned action and the social exchange theory as a theoretical foundation.

The quantitative (deductive) method is used. The primary data is collected using a cross-sectional questionnaire. The data collection process was administered across five months. A total of 800 questionnaires were distributed randomly to various business sectors and industries in the UAE. A response rate of 86.9% was achieved, leading to 695 complete and feasible questionnaires.

Statistical analyzes prove that cosmopolitanism was indeed a valid predictor of OC. Contrary to the expectations, and more specifically, the results revealed that diversity is not a predictor of both challenge-oriented organizational citizenship and OC. The current study indicates that global openness (GOP) is an insignificant predictor of OC. Most remarkably, the present study shows a partially substantial mediation effect of affiliation-oriented organizational citizenship between GOP and OC. Last but not least, challenge-oriented and affiliation-oriented organizational citizenship are significant full mediators between one-world consciousness, cultural acceptance and OC.

Globalization has dramatically increased the diversity of the workforce. This scenario has led to the creation of the concept of Cosmopolitanism. The UAE is a unique setting, given that the workforce in the region is globally diverse. Thus, this study is a unique attempt to bridge the gap between the rich Western theories and the under-researched Non-Western context, namely, the UAE. As each city has its local-rooted environment, one cannot argue that Cosmopolitanism inevitably ignores international orientation. This study explains the embedded factors that constitute Dubai city’s cosmopolitan community, where developments and emerging growing economic trends arise.

For five surprising years, from 1968 to 1973, Peru achieved the near miracle of social reform combined with good economic growth. As if in revenge, the classic catastrophes that have plagued so many Latin American countries when they have tried to move in new directions then surged up to stop the process: a foreign exchange crisis, accelerating inflation, paralysed growth, rising unemployment, and intensified social conflict. Was all this necessary? What might have been done better? And what might be done now to resume growth without further taking apart the reforms?

In response to the somewhat paradoxical combination of increasing diversity in the global workforce and the resurgence of nationalism in an era of global mobility, the purpose of this paper is to uncover how employees on international assignments respond to exposure to new cultures. Specifically, the paper aims to explicate the underlying psychological mechanisms linking expatriates’ monocultural, multicultural, global and cosmopolitan identity negotiation strategies with their responses toward the host culture by drawing upon exclusionary and integrative reactions theory in cross-cultural psychology.

This conceptual paper draws on the perspective of exclusionary vs integrative reactions toward foreign cultures – a perspective rooted in cross-cultural psychology research – to categorize expatriates’ responses toward the host culture. More specifically, the study elaborates how two primary activators of expatriates’ responses toward the host culture – the salience of home-culture identity and a cultural learning mindset – explain the relationship between cultural identity negotiation strategies and expatriates’ exclusionary and integrative responses, providing specific propositions on how each type of cultural identity negotiation strategy is expected to be associated with expatriates’ exclusionary and integrative responses toward the host culture.

The present study proposes that expatriates’ adoption of a monocultural identity negotiation strategy is positively associated with exclusionary responses toward the host culture and it is negatively associated with integrative responses toward the host culture; expatriates’ adoption of a multicultural identity negotiation strategy is positively associated with both exclusionary responses and integrative responses toward the host culture; expatriates’ adoption of a global identity negotiation strategy is negatively associated with exclusionary responses toward the host culture; and expatriates’ adoption of a cosmopolitan identity negotiation strategy is negatively associated with exclusionary responses, and positively associated with integrative responses toward the host culture. The following metaphors for these different types of cultural identity negotiation strategies are introduced: “ostrich” (monocultural strategy), “frog” (multicultural strategy), “bird” (global strategy) and “lizard” (cosmopolitan strategy).

The proposed dynamic framework of cultural identity negotiation strategies illustrates the sophisticated nature of expatriates’ responses to new cultures. This paper also emphasizes that cross-cultural training tempering expatriates’ exclusionary reactions and encouraging integrative reactions is crucial for more effective expatriation in a multicultural work environment.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a situated, theoretically informed account of national identity construction by exploring children's engagement with nationalism in the context of the classroom in divided Cyprus. The paper aims to illustrate how children enter and participate in the cultural world of nationalism in the classroom by accepting, resisting, and negotiating the ideological meanings they encounter there.

The research on which the paper draws used an ethnographic approach. The paper draws primarily on teacher‐student exchanges during class lessons and, to a lesser extent, on interviews with children.

The paper suggests that the process of engagement between children, teachers, and nationalism often produces powerful senses of belonging which are, however, always limited and unstable both because of ideological contradictions and ambiguities and because of children's access to alternative knowledge.

Though the ethnographic evidence suggests that nationalism in educational contexts produces powerful senses of belonging among children, more research is necessary to document the processes by which children consume nationalistic ideologies.

The paper is original because it offers a dynamic explanation of national identity construction through the application of practice theory to ethnographic data which takes into account both the powerful institutional constraints imposed on children at school as well as their agency and ability to impact their worlds.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the internal historical forces that shaped national identity in New Zealand and how state-sponsored ideographs and cultural narratives, played out in nation branding, government–public relations activity, film and the literature, contributed to the rise of present days’ racism and hostility towards non-Pakeha constructions of New Zealand’s self-imagining.

The paper takes a cultural materialist approach, coupled with postcolonial perspectives, to build an empirical framework to analyse specific historical texts and artefacts that were supported and promoted by the New Zealand Government at the point of decolonisation. Traditional constructions of cultural nationalism, communicated through state-sponsored advertising, public information films and national literature, are challenged and re-evaluated in the context of race, gender and socio-economic status.

A total of three major groupings or themes were identified: crew, core and counterdiscourse cultures that each projected a different construction of New Zealand’s national identity. These interwoven themes produced a wider interpretation of identity than traditional cultural nationalist constructions allowed, still contributing to exclusionary formations of identity that alienated non-Pakeha New Zealanders and encouraged racism and intolerance.

The research study is empirical in nature and belongs to a larger project looking at a range of Pakeha constructions of identity. The article itself does not therefore fully consider Maori constructions of New Zealand’s identity.

The focus on combining cultural materialism, postcolonial approaches to analysis and counterdiscourse in order to analyse historical national narrative provides a unique perspective on the forces that contribute to racism and intolerance in New Zealand’s society. The framework developed can be used to evaluate the historical government communications activity and to better understand how nation branding leads to the exclusion of minority communities.

This paper examines nationalism as a driver of political risk and how it can lead to supply chain disruptions for foreign multinational enterprises (MNEs).

Conceptual research based on a review of the literature on nationalism and supply chain risk management.

This research unveils how economic nationalism could engender supply chain disruptions via discriminatory practices toward all foreign MNEs and how national animosity may generate additional risks for the MNEs of nations in conflict with one another. These discriminatory practices include an array of host government and grassroots actions targeting foreign MNEs. While economic nationalism and national animosity emanate from within a host country, they may stimulate geopolitical crises outside the host country and thereby affect the international supply chains of foreign MNEs.

This research lays the foundation for analytical and empirical researchers to integrate key elements of nationalism into their studies and recommends propositions and datasets to study these notions.

This study shows the implications that nationalist drivers of supply chain disruptions have for foreign MNEs and thus can help managers to proactively mitigate such disruptions.

This study reveals the importance of integrating notions of national identity and national history in supply chain research, since they play a key role in the emergence of policies and events responsible for supply chain disruptions.

To develop a theory to explain how national diversity within a workgroup can lead to intra‐group conflict, and how this effect may be exacerbated in the presence of nationalistic attitudes.

Defines and discusses what national diversity is and why it is relevant to multinational organizations. Then constructs a multi‐level, theoretical framework to propose the conditions under which national diversity may lead to high levels of conflict. Describes and explains the role of nationalism (i.e. individuals' attitude towards their and others' nationalities) in diverse workgroups and explore the moderating effect of nationalism on the relationship between national diversity and intra‐group conflict.

Proposes that in nationally diverse workgroups the presence of workgroup members with strong nationalistic attitudes (e.g. ingroup favoritism and outgroup rejection) will exacerbate the likelihood that national diversity may lead to relationship conflict and process conflict, and that it will weaken the likelihood that national diversity leads to task conflict.

The model demonstrates the necessity of examining national diversity and the factors and conditions, such as the presence of nationalistic attitudes that may hinder the potential of a nationally diverse workgroup.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate, theoretically and empirically, the role of the six dimensions of reconceptualized ethnocentrism in consumer ethnocentrism. The paper investigates both direct and indirect effects of the six dimensions on consumer ethnocentrism, through four theoretically meaningful mediators: nationalism, ethnic ingroup positivity, national ingroup positivity and prejudice against foreigners.

This study has used primary data collected from 304 US citizens through online surveys, including measures of demographics, ethnocentrism, consumer ethnocentrism, nationalism and attitudes toward ethnic ingroups, national ingroups and foreigners. Correlational, sequential multiple regression and parallel multiple mediation analyses were conducted to investigate effects of the dimensions of ethnocentrism on consumer ethnocentrism.

Regression and mediation analyses, covarying age, education, gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status, showed that ethnocentric purity had a direct effect on consumer ethnocentrism, whereas ethnocentric devotion and exploitativeness had indirect effects, entirely mediated by nationalism. There were no significant effects of the other dimensions of ethnocentrism, ethnic ingroup positivity, national ingroup positivity or prejudice against foreigners. In addition, two demographic variables (white/Anglo Americans and lower socio-economic status) had a direct effect on consumer ethnocentrism, whereas three other variables (gender, education and age) did not.

This study is first to explore how the dimensions of ethnocentrism relate to consumer ethnocentrism. Although consumer ethnocentrism has often been linked to ethnocentrism, the relationship has never been explicitly studied. Ethnocentrism, defined as ethnic group self-centeredness and self-importance, in which the main role is to ensure ethnic group strength and survival, plays a substantial but mainly indirect role via nationalism in consumer ethnocentrism. This study shows that both direct and indirect processes concerned with ethnic groups play a substantial role in the development of consumer ethnocentrism. Implications of the findings for consumer ethnocentrism and global consumer culture are discussed.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a platform for young British Muslims in Tower Hamlets to share their perspectives on British values and identity, in light of the increased pressure schools are facing to actively promote “British values”.

Three focus groups were convened of 16-18 year olds, two all-male (one with five and one with six participants) and one all-female (five participants). Discussions were audio recorded with the data subjected to a form of thematic analysis that divided the raw data into three different categories: individual, group and group interaction data.

All but one of the participants defined themselves as British, largely due to a strong connection with British values. A minority felt this understanding was reflected back to them by society. However, the majority felt that, as ethnically Bengali and as Muslims, the opposite was the case. By judging the strength of an individual’s Britishness against the strength of their adherence to British values the government’s British values agenda is only serving to reinforce the isolation of those that feel excluded.

While the identities of young people, British people, and Muslims have been widely explored, there is little research that looks at the intersection of all three.