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The conclusions summarize the main empirical evidence that emerged in the book and put forward final reflections and some recommendations for scholars and policymakers. First, the reader is reminded that the book focuses on how a desirable and ambitious agenda that contemplates a progress-oriented policy system is feasible when confronted with the challenges of its implementation and the related problem of coordination between the goals it postulates. The purpose of the concluding chapter is to extrapolate the findings from the individual analyses and synthesize them into a single interpretative proposal centered on two analytical pillars. The first is the analysis and management of the complexity generated by wickedness, through the reconstruction of types of complexity and consequences that the policymaker must acquire in terms of problem setting. The second is the analysis of the skills needed to manage said complexity, distinguishing between linear and nonlinear skills. These are the skills that the policymaker must acquire in terms of problem-solving. Both problem setting and problem solving are summarized in some final recommendations on what to do to improve the feasibility and effectiveness of sustainable development policies: the pragmatic culture of government and some supporting institutional tools, the importance of training as a lever of change, and the building of knowledge infrastructures in terms of evidence-based policymaking.

This study employs Stein Rokkan's methodological approach to analyse state formation in the Greater Middle East. It develops a conceptual framework distinguishing colonial, populist and democratic pacts, suitable for analysis of state formation and nation-building through to the present period. The framework relies on historical institutionalism. The methodology, however, is Rokkan's. The initial conceptual analysis also specifies differences between European and the Middle Eastern state formation processes. It is followed by a brief and selective discussion of historical preconditions. Next, the method of plotting singular cases into conceptual-typological maps is applied to 20 cases in the Greater Middle East (including Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey). For reasons of space, the empirical analysis is limited to the colonial period (1870s to the end of World War 1). Three typologies are combined into one conceptual-typological map of this period. The vertical left-hand axis provides a composite typology that clarifies cultural-territorial preconditions. The horizontal axis specifies transformations of the region's agrarian class structures since the mid-19th century reforms. The right-hand vertical axis provides a four-layered typology of processes of external intervention. A final section presents selected comparative case reconstructions. To the authors' knowledge, this is the first time such a Rokkan-style conceptual-typological map has been constructed for a non-European region.

This chapter explores how the capacity of different sectors of the government influences which topics are prioritized in the legislative agenda. We focus on the complex and challenging topic of agriculture and the environment in Brazil and analyze how it's framed in both the media and the legislature. Our analysis shows that, in normal circumstances, the governmental actors with the highest state capacity prevent threatening topics from entering the legislative agenda, biasing it toward the status quo. However, we find that the media can act as a tool for sectors with lower capacity to bring their priorities to the forefront and trigger a legislative response.

The introduction of the book is aimed at providing the reader with a comprehensive analytical framework on the purpose and content of sustainable development analysis as a wicked problem in policymaking. The UN's 2030 Agenda is an ambitious and far-reaching initiative that encompasses 17 broad goals and 169 targets, which may be too general and potentially conflicting. Translating this agenda into practice is a challenging and possibly frustrating task that requires a pragmatic and methodologically structured approach. Accordingly, the introduction is organized around five key concepts that favor a translation into practice: the definition of problems and solutions, the policymaking of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the wicked nature of policy problems in a sustainable development perspective, the specific kinds of capacity the policymakers must get to accomplish any task in the field of sustainable development, and, lastly, the type of policy design allocating ends and means for solving the problems. In particular, the theoretical framework supports the reader in understanding the wicked nature of sustainable development policies and the additional capacities policymakers must have in order to be able to design effective and coherent strategies. After a detailed presentation of each of the 12 chapters divided into two parts (six chapters in a section dedicated to the analysis of wicked sustainable development policies and six chapters dedicated to the analysis of the capacity of institutional instruments in resolving wickedness), the introduction anticipates the reader the rationale of the book.

Sustainable development goals (SDGs) designed by the United Nations include ‘universal and equitable access to affordable, reliable and clean energy’ as one of the pathways to achieve a better and more sustainable future by 2030. Universal access to electricity, clean cooking fuel, increasing share of renewable resources and improving energy efficiency are the key components of SDG7. In India, the government has undertaken targeted programmes to ensure full electrification of households and greater use of liquid petroleum gas (LPG) for clean cooking replacing traditional solid biomass fuels in poor households. Installed capacity targets are set to raise the share of renewable resources in total energy mix along with the policies undertaken to make it cost-competitive (SDG India, 2019–2020). However, the economic crisis experienced by India during COVID-19 pandemic is likely to affect this ongoing drive towards clean energy use. Sudden fall in income and loss of employment particularly in the unorganised sector might have made the poor rural households vulnerable to reversion to their traditional cooking fuels. The renewable sector has also faced uncertainties due to halted construction works and disrupted global supply chains during lockdown. The present chapter discusses these pertinent issues crucial for achieving SDGs. It investigates how far the COVID-19-driven economic crisis has delayed India's clean cooking fuel programme for different states. It further examines the impact of COVID-19 lockdown on renewable energy sector, particularly on the solar energy sector. The study suggests some policy measures for a robust recovery, ensuring transition towards clean energy use and sustainable growth to protect the environment.

Reports and experiences suggest that several developing African economies are faced with entrepreneurial-impeding forces such as lengthy bureaucratic processes and poor regulatory space. The study examines a general trend in “doing business performance” among selected African countries and uses the case of Ghana to explore how particular indicators or forces affect the development and deployment of small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) policies.

Comparative analysis of six African economies on their ease of doing business score. This is followed by a critical review of the literature to develop a six-point explanatory framework to explore the relative position of the six countries on the ease of doing business scores. Using Ghana as a critical case study, the authors deploy an in-depth case study analysis via in-depth interviews of relevant stakeholders to validate the information from secondary sources.

The study observes that the nature of leadership, socio-cultural imperatives, economic structure and policy and the role of domestic institutional players and international players have implications for the extent to which the state creates an enabling environment for SMEs and entrepreneurial activities. The role of supportive cultural software that will help drive SME and entrepreneurial growth has been established. The study contends that different aspects of national culture do have implications for the tendency for people to be business-minded or to have the ability to take risks. The demand and supply sides are crucial in promoting SME growth.

The study develops a framework that helps explore elements to help explain ease of doing business scores and the viability of SMEs in Africa. These elements were validated through qualitative interviews as well.

The aim of this study is twofold. First, this study examines the effect of fiscal policy on sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Second, this study also investigates the moderating role of information and communication technology (ICT) in fiscal policy–sustainable development nexus in SSA.

This study adopted a battery of econometric techniques such as the ordinary least square (OLS), the two-step system generalized method of moments, Driscoll and Kraay covariance matrix estimator and the dynamic panel threshold model.

This study found that fiscal policy, except for public spending on education do not promote sustainable development in SSA. However, the authors found that ICT promotes sustainable development in SSA, and that when fiscal policy interacts with ICT, the results show that ICT enhances the effectiveness of fiscal policy to promote sustainable development in SSA. Furthermore, this study uncovers the optimal levels of public spending on health and education, and public debts that engenders sustainable development in SSA. The research and policy implications are discussed.

This study assessed the role of ICT in fiscal policy–sustainable development nexus.

This research proposes a novel risk assessment model to elucidate the risk propagation process of industrial safety accidents triggered by natural disasters (Natech), identifies key factors influencing urban carrying capacity and mitigates uncertainties and subjectivity due to data scarcity in Natech risk assessment.

Utilizing disaster chain theory and Bayesian network (BN), we describe the cascading effects of Natechs, identifying critical nodes of urban system failure. Then we propose an urban carrying capacity assessment method using the coefficient of variation and cloud BN, constructing an indicator system for infrastructure, population and environmental carrying capacity. The model determines interval values of assessment indicators and weights missing data nodes using the coefficient of variation and the cloud model. A case study using data from the Pearl River Delta region validates the model.

(1) Urban development in the Pearl River Delta relies heavily on population carrying capacity. (2) The region’s social development model struggles to cope with rapid industrial growth. (3) There is a significant disparity in carrying capacity among cities, with some trends contrary to urban development. (4) The Cloud BN outperforms the classical Takagi-Sugeno (T-S) gate fuzzy method in describing real-world fuzzy and random situations.

The present research proposes a novel framework for evaluating the urban carrying capacity of industrial areas in the face of Natechs. By developing a BN risk assessment model that integrates cloud models, the research addresses the issue of scarce objective data and reduces the subjectivity inherent in previous studies that heavily relied on expert opinions. The results demonstrate that the proposed method outperforms the classical fuzzy BNs.

The COVID19 crisis has thrown wide open the debate on Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union’s (EMU) future. Next Generation EU (NGEU) has broken the stalemate over a central fiscal capacity. The open question is whether NGEU is a one-off or a first step. The suspension of the Stability and Growth Pact has given new urgency to the debate on reforming EMU’s fiscal rules.

There is no debate as yet about how these two prospects relate to each other. This paper argues that a permanent fiscal capacity and revised rules should be seen as alternatives.

This study makes two claims: first, a fiscal capacity renders a reformed pact unnecessary and second, that is an optimal solution politically. A fiscal capacity would provide an efficient asymmetric shock absorber and therefore reduce the need for pre-emptive action against negative cross-border externalities. It would also provide an abundant supply of an EU-wide safe asset around which to structure the EU’s financial system, thus rendering unnecessary the backstopping of member states' debts.

This would restore democratic accountability while eliminating moral hazard and enforcement problems.

This chapter discusses the extension of legal equality between male and female citizens in four states in North Africa – Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco and Algeria – through one specific lens: A married woman's legal capacity to initiate and obtain divorce without the husband's consent. Building on the works of Stein Rokkan and Reinhard Bendix on the expansion of citizenship to the ‘lower classes’, it is argued that amendments in divorce law by introducing in-court divorce for women, in addition to out-of-court divorce, is a significant institutional change that extends legal equality between men and women. The introduction of in-court divorce expands female citizenship by bolstering woman's juridical autonomy and capacity in state law. Changes in divorce laws are thus part of state centralization by means of standardizing rules that regulate family law through public administrative institutions rather than religious organizations. Two questions are addressed: First, how did amendments in divorce laws occur after independence? Second, in which ways did women's bolstered legal capacity in divorce have a spill over effect on reforms in other patriarchal state laws? Based on observations on sequences of change in four states in North Africa, it is argued that amendments that equalize between men and women in divorce should be seen as a key driver for reforms in other state laws, that reduce legal inequality between male and female citizens. In all four states, women's citizenship was extended in nationality law and criminal law after amendments in divorce law gave women unilateral legal power to exit a marital relationship.