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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effects of socio-demographic factors on ethnic tolerance (ET) and religious tolerance (RT) as well as the participation of the local community in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts in a multi-cultural society.

This research was conducted in the rural areas of Indonesia, on the basis of an empirical study that was performed in Lampung, a province at the southern tip of Sumatra. Data were collected through a survey of 500 respondents from five districts susceptible to ethnic conflicts. From each district, two villages that experienced ethnic conflicts were chosen and from each village, 50 respondents were randomly selected. To strengthen the explanation of quantitative data, in-depth interviews were also conducted with another 50 residents, five informants from each of ten villages. Informants comprised community leaders or traditional leaders, local police officers, local military officers and district government officials.

First, the degree of tolerance is not specifically concentrated in the socio-demographic characteristics. Second, ET affects RT. Third, local community participation in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts is not influenced by the socio-demographic characteristics but is influenced by ET and RT. The socio-cultural approach is the main strategy for peacebuilding in post-ethnic (and religious) conflicts in multi-cultural societies. The weakness of inter-ethnic relations soon improves in the post-peace period through the reconstruction of social and cultural factors to strengthen social cohesion and social capital at the local community level by involving various stakeholders

This paper is a valuable source of information regarding current research on the role of local communities in strengthening and building peace in post-ethnic violent conflicts in multi-cultural societies.

The purpose of this study is to critically understand and find out the socio-political role of the Acehnese ulamas (Muslim scholars) in solving and coping with social issues faced by contemporary Acehnese society.

This study was conducted in the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, especially in the districts of Aceh Utara, Pidie, Aceh Besar, Aceh Selatan and Aceh Timur. The locations were chosen based on the consideration of the objective conditions that many ulamas were dwelling and could easily be found in these areas. Besides, the locations are historically believed as the origins of the Acehnese that are so diverse. In addition, a large number of social problems frequently arose within those regions. The subjects of this research study were a number of community determined by purposive sampling technique. The instruments used for the data collection in this research were observation, in-depth interview and library study; and interpretative understanding was also used to analyze the data.

The existence of the Acehnese ulamas represents the government’s recognition to word the traditional institutional in Aceh. However, some people think that institutions are used by the government to exploit ulama as the mediator between the government and the society. For the Acehnese ulamas, the institution could be used to consolidate their power for the benefit of the people.

The various theories discussed are considered the framework and guidance for this study, especially in terms of data collection and data analysis. The new theories and relevant references will also possibly be added to the following study.

The purpose of this study is to critically understand and to find out the social political role of the Acehnese ulamas (Muslim scholars) in solving and coping with social issues faced by contemporary Acehnese society.

This study was conducted in the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, especially in the districts of Aceh Utara, Pidie, Aceh Besar, Aceh Selatan and Aceh Timur. The locations were chosen based on the consideration of the objective conditions that many ulamas are dwelling and easily be found within these areas. Besides, the locations are historically believed as the origins of the Acehnese that are so diverse. In addition, a large number of social problems frequently arose within those regions. The subjects of this research study were a number of community determined by purposive sampling technique. The instruments used for the data collection in this research were observation, in-depth interview and library study; and interpretative understanding was also used to analyze the data.

The existence of the Acehnese ulamas represents the government’s recognition to word the traditional institutional in Aceh. However, some people think that institutions are used by government to exploit ulama as the mediator between government and society. For the Acehnese ulamas, the presence of the institution could be used to consolidate their power for the benefit of the people.

The originality of this research can be seen from the effort to explain how contemporary Acehnese society views Theologian (ulama) in solving social problems, which were little studied by previous researchers. This question is important to examine, given the position of ulama in people’s lives since the pre-independence period and during the social revolution that had occurred in Aceh until the early 1970s was very dominant. That is, even the symbolic world of Acehnese society formed through the dominance of ulama discourse has structured how people’s responses typically must be expressed.

This chapter explores the potential for and value of imagining a humanist paradigm for tourism studies. It explores how the idea of a “paradigm” in tourism can be conceptualized, arguing that dominant thoughtlines in other fields regarding the meaning of a paradigm are not sufficient for making sense of this idea in the context of tourism studies. The chapter introduces humanism as a philosophical position in the academy and as a lived cultural practice, explores examples of extant work in tourism studies that might be seen to provide the seeds of a humanist paradigm, and offers reflections on the value of imagining such a paradigm for our field.

Analyzing the 2004 U.S. General Social Survey and Korean General Social Survey, this chapter attempts to show that even similar climates of associationalism in two countries can lead to differential consequences for participatory democracy, depending on the associations’ capacities to foster civic resources. This chapter first examines whether the politically desirable traits of civic virtue and social trust essential to political participation can be developed by associational membership in the United States and Korea. Second, it investigates whether associational membership strengthens, weakens, or leaves unchanged the effects of socioeconomic resources measured by educational attainment and family income on political participation especially among association members in these two countries. The results indicate that voluntary associations in the United States, compared to those in Korea, do a better job of playing the role of civic educator and even of political equalizer. First, associational membership significantly and positively affects civic virtue and social trust in the United States. Second, associational membership does not affect civic virtue and social trust in Korea. Third, the effects of educational attainment and family income on political participation among members are weak in the United States. Fourth, the effects of educational attainment and family income on political participation among members are strong in Korea. Therefore, this chapter concludes that voluntary associations do not contribute to participatory equality in Korea despite its vibrant group-centered culture, whereas their American counterparts are relatively effective in bringing about the expected outcome.

The 2006 General Assembly adoption of the United Nations (UN) Global Counter-terrorism strategy marked the first time all member states ratified a collective counter-terrorism (CT) agenda. Building on the 2000 Millennium Development Goals, the strategy incorporated Amartya Sen's capability-based approach to development. This promised human-oriented and holistic methods for countering terrorism and violent extremism, in contrast to the post-2001 ‘hard security’ context of the United States–led Global War on Terror (GWOT). Although the first pillar of the strategy emphasised human rights and social progress over isolated economic growth, poverty, violence and retrogression in conflict zones since 2006 have led to the deaths of millions. Combined with resource scarcity and environmental devastation, insurgency-related conflicts have resulted in 70 million people displaced worldwide in 2019, while the politically violent phenomena of extreme right-wing nationalism and neo-jihadism remain prevalent. Reflecting on the social and economic outcomes of the GWOT, this chapter evaluates development-related discourses and activity in UN-led initiatives to counter and prevent violent extremism and terrorism. In doing so, it accounts for the impacts of UN CT measures on contemporary patterns ‘in phenomena described in policy arenas as ‘violent extremism’ and ‘terrorism’, including ‘neo-jihadism’ and right-wing extremism, in Global North and Global South contexts.

Any credible agenda that seeks to eradicate global poverty must seek to correct the structural injustices and inequities that cause and perpetuate endemic poverty. Such an agenda must aim not merely to aid the poor with grants, welfare, and subsidies (that indirectly perpetuate poverty) but seek to enhance self-sufficiency and productive skills of the poor by ensuring them comparable access to opportunities of the market economies to participate, on more equitable terms, in the dynamic process of overall economic growth. In this context, we apply critical thinking to identify and recognize the structured injustices of the market system, which not only cause poverty but also compromise human dignity via social inequalities and inequities arguably caused by the free market and corporate capital systems of the world. Global poverty that affects more than a quarter of the human population is a pernicious self-serving system connected to the injustices of the business and political systems of the world. The persistent nature of poverty is in direct proportion to our inability to eradicate it as a whole in the cosmic system. Eradication of global desperate poverty and its unjust structural causes can be achieved, we submit, by tracing the roots of global poverty to corporate and free enterprise capital systems and their unexamined structures of social injustice and social inequalities.