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The purpose of this chapter is to develop a model of union reform that may help to revitalize the labor movement. Our model presents a path using democracy and militancy to overcome union oligarchy to build stronger unions and a stronger broader movement. We develop a new model of union revitalization by expanding the Voss and Sherman (2000) model from our own experiences and a review of past union revitalization efforts. Democratic and militant strategies are a key to successful reform efforts. Entrenched union leaders tend to oppose such efforts. Reformers must adequately overcome entrenched leader responses to succeed in reforming their unions. We have developed a new conceptual model of union revitalization. Our model should be tested further through in-depth case studies and analysis of reform efforts which have failed or succeeded. Our model presents strategies and tactics for labor activists to revitalize their unions and the labor movement. We present a new model of union revitalization that looks at both internal and external union revitalization. This chapter accumulates evidence across reform efforts throughout the modern history of unions. This comparative and contrasting analysis of the evidence from these efforts is a unique contribution to the field. Further, the resulting model from this review presents a unique focus on the strategies and tactics of reform efforts as well as the interaction between union reform efforts and entrenched leaders. This model provides a path for both future research and practical revitalization efforts.

This paper examines the preconditions of the strike at the Greek steel company Hellenic Halyvourgia (HH) which started on 1 November 2011 and ended on 28 July 2012. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of current labour disputes in the context of economic crisis focusing on previous developments of mobilisation theory and social movement literature. The overall aim is to highlight the linkages between trade unions and society when a broader sense of injustice comes to the fore.

Qualitative methods were employed in order to contextualise the strike events and examine the preconditions of the occurrence and the volume of the strike. Semistructured interviews, field notes, interviews taken by the media, documentaries, chronicles and articles, constructed the main body of empirical material.

The HH case indicates that certain collective identities and leadership qualities account for high mobilisation potential with spillover effects which are in turn conditioned upon the situation of the strikers’ allies. Although there was an agency to transform the sense of injustice into collective action, the framing processes employed by the union did not have the kind of impact that would render state and management’s responses ineffective, as the strike message did not eventually penetrate other industries or even the rest factories of the HH.

The present paper goes beyond the general description of the social turmoil during the Greek crisis by showing the critical bonds that were established through framing and identity-building processes among the strikers and the anti-austerity protesters in Greece and abroad.

The purpose of this paper is to build on the insights of mobilisation theory to examine the interplay of structure and agency dynamics in strike activity. It proposes to do so by investigating the 2007 36‐hour strike undertaken by 2,300 engineering and infrastructure workers employed by the private consortium Metronet on the London Underground, focusing attention on the relationship between workers’ militancy, trade union leadership and left‐wing politics within a highly distinctive and union favourable “opportunity structure” context.

Semi‐structured in‐depth interviews were conducted with 24 RMT union informants within Metronet and the London Underground (including union members, reps, branch and regional officers); analysis was made of documentary industrial relations and trade union material; and personal fieldwork observation.

Although favourable specific contextual and contingent factors served as both provocations and resources for strike action, notably in enhancing workers’ bargaining position and lending feasibility to a strike mobilisation approach, the role of trade union leadership and left‐wing politics at every level of the union in collectivising workers’ experiences and aspirations in forms which directly encouraged combativity was also crucial.

The specificity of the case study limits the degree of generalisation that can be made to other industries. Researchers are encouraged to test the proposed analytical approach further.

The paper provides case‐study empirical evidence into an important arena of employment in the UK, contributes to our understanding of the multi‐dimensional causes of strike activity; and adds an important political dimension to the analysis of collective mobilisation often neglected in both industrial relations and social movement literature.

Focuses on the introduction of personal contracts to replace terms and conditions of employment derived from collective agreements in light of the findings from three surveys of employer organizations conducted in 1991/92, 1994/95 and 1995/96 by the Employment Relations R&D Centre at Anglia Polytechnic University. Argues that personal contracts reflect employer power and preferences rather than providing a mechanism for the empowerment of the individual employee through creating or increasing the ability of the individual to determine their terms and conditions of employment. Discusses the political and legal background to the decline in trade union power at the workplace. Contends that a real empowerment of employees is best achieved within a collectivist framework and is thus dependent on the re‐establishment and strengthening of individual and collective rights at work.

Almost on a daily basis newspapers and magazines tell us of the exploitative circumstances under which workers produce garments for the global market. While local trade unions, international NGOs, and corporate social responsibility (CSR) officers claim to act in the interests of garment workers, the latter continue to lack voice and representation in their everyday struggles for better and fairer employment. Focusing on a South Indian garment cluster, the article explores the reasons why key labour rights, such as the freedom of association, keep being violated, and why local trade union and international NGO activists fail to prevent such violations. Through the lens of a major labour dispute, we consider the decline of a once successful trade union and the challenges of emerging local–international activist collaborations. The article concludes that for union, NGO, and corporate interventions to be successful in the context of a liberalising state, the political economy of labour has to be taken into account, and labour struggles have to be understood within their political and historical context.

Attempts are made to probe into the gaps between the human resource management policies as laid down in company publications and the actual practices, followed by companies in public and private sector and by multinationals in India. The human resources practices of eight firms – two large organisations in the public sector, two medium‐sized firms in the private sector and four multinationals – are examined. The objective was to delineate the similarities and differences among the above eight firms with regard to the actual practices followed by these companies in the Indian environment. An in‐depth case study of these eight firms was conducted. It was found that in India there is no coherent unified management study which can be called Indian management. Inconsistencies are apparent and real contradictions abound. There is a pressure on managers in all organisations in India to get things moving and to keep firms economically viable on a sustained basis. The management techniques and practices were selected which were likely to be congruent with the expectations of people being managed and were in tune with the management styles and value orientation of key managers.

This paper presents an historical reconstruction of the radicalisation of Alan Fox, the industrial sociologist and a detailed analysis of his early historical and sociological writing in the classical pluralist phase.

An intellectual history, including detailed discussion of key Fox texts, supported by interviews with Fox and other Biographical sources.

Fox’s radicalisation was incomplete, as he carried over from his industrial relations (IR) pluralist mentors, Allan Flanders and Hugh Clegg, a suspicion of political Marxism, a sense of historical contingency and an awareness of the fragmented nature of industrial conflict.

Recent academic attention has centred on Fox’s later radical pluralism with its “structural” approach to the employment relationship. This paper revisits his early, neglected classical pluralist writing. It also illuminates his transition from institutional IR to a broader sociology of work, influenced by AH Halsey, John Goldthorpe and others and the complex nature of his radicalisation.

This paper aims to examine the antecedent influences and merits of workplace occupations as a tactical response to employer redundancy initiatives.

The data are based on analysis of secondary documentary material reporting on three workplace occupations in the Republic of Ireland during 2009.

Perceptions of both procedural (e.g. employer unilateral action) and substantive (e.g. pay and entitlements) justice appear pivotal influences. Spillover effects from other known occupations may also be influential. Workplace occupations were found to produce some modest substantive gains, such as enhancing redundancy payments. The tactic of workplace occupation was also found to transform unilateral employer action into scenarios based upon negotiated settlement supported by third‐party mediation. However the tactic of workplace occupation in response to redundancy runs the risks of potential judicial injunction and sanction.

Although operationally difficult, future studies should strive to collect primary data workplace occupations as they occur.

The paper identifies conditions conducive to the genesis of workplace occupations and the extent to which the tactic may be of benefit in particular circumstances to workers facing redundancy. It also contextualises the tactic in relation to both collective mobilisation and bargaining theories in employment relations.

The paper aims to link product market features in the Greek metal processing sector to the wage-setting practices followed therein.

Aggregate business structural statistics are used to document the product market structure features while information from a rich sectoral collective agreement database, covering a number of sectors of the Greek economy, is used for the wage-setting practices. The approach is, in general, descriptive and discursive with the use of some regression analysis.

The main findings of the paper include: first, the metal sector as a whole is heterogeneous in terms of its structural/productive features; second, the type of collective agreements followed in the subsectors of the metal sector appear related to the structural features of the subsectors; third, negotiated wages appear binding for subsectors facing less product market competition; and finally, the ability to opt out of the sectoral agreement and sign firm-level agreements during the recent crisis in Greece was used mainly by firms suffering accounting losses.

The research results are limited by the absence of detailed firm-level information both on the actual wages paid and on the exact industrial relations practices in the workplace.

In view of the changes taking place in industrial relations in general and collective bargaining in particular, the issue of the homogeneity – in terms of structure and performance – of individual sectors, sets the question of whether one size (agreement) fits all and consequently whether extensions of agreements to whole sectors are advisable. This is the spirit in which the paper is written. The originality is linked both to the issue addressed but also to the use of the detailed collective labour agreements information and its association with product market features.