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The field of special education in Thailand is still in its infancy. This chapter provides a retrospect on special education in Thailand reflecting societal attitudes toward people with disabilities from the past to present. It also provides a list of factors impacting this population and members of the community who are involved with their lives. Special education law, definitions of various disability categories, types of educational settings, as well as issues and challenges in the field are discussed. A critical analysis of special education teacher preparation is also provided. Finally, recommendations and conclusions are offered.

The 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami had a deep and long-term impact on communities along Thailand’s Andaman Coast. In this chapter, the authors examine how three communities of indigenous, formerly seafaring people (chao leh) have been affected by post-tsunami tourism developments. Taking Devine and Ojeda’s (2017) concept of ‘violent tourism geographies’ as a theoretical lens, the authors analyse various practices of dispossession, including enclosure, extraction, erasure, commodification, destructive creation and neo-colonialism. The findings of this chapter suggest that all three communities found themselves subjected to radical transformations of their socioeconomic and cultural environment, yet in distinctive ways and with varying degrees of agency.

This paper looks into the controversial Buddhist Asoke group generally known as Santi Asoke in Thailand. The group has challenged the state Buddhist hierarchy (Mahatherasamakhom) by ordaining women as sikkhamat. The sikkhamats observe Ten Precepts and are highly respected in the group. In the wider Thai society, they are less known and often confused with visiting Chinese bhiksunis. Santi Asoke has been controversial since its emergence in the 1970s due to its strict vegetarianism and harsh criticism on capitalism, consumerism and monastic corruption. It became highly politicised when their most famous lay member Major-General Chamlong Srimuang was elected as the governor of Bangkok and later on established his own political party Palang Dharma (Power of Dharma or Moral Force) to contest in the national elections in 1988. Palang Dharma failed to change Thai politics, but when in 1998 the former Palang Dharma member, telecom tycoon Thaksin Shinawatra established his nationalistic Thai Rak Thai party (Thais Love Thais) to contest the elections in 2000, many Asoke people enthusiastically supported him until 2006 when they joined street protests to oust him. Asoke group has been widely criticised for their involvement in politics. Asoke movement administers several autonomous self-reliant villages in rural Thailand where it practices sustainable organic agriculture, produces herbal shampoos and medicine and runs primary and secondary schools. The sikkhamats are primarily involved in teaching and preaching but have also participated in the street demonstrations. The purpose of this paper is to look into the role and status of the sikkhamats in the Asoke group; explore social and economic background of Asoke sikkhamats; ask why women choose to become sikkhamats; and why do they not seem to want to be ordained as bhikkhuni. The paper is based on many years of observation and interviews with the Asoke sikkhamats and laywomen in their temples, schools, villages, and on the streets of Bangkok.

Thailand’s modernization and shift to a wage labor economy has led to increases in children’s educational attainment. This research, in two rural northern Thai villages, explores globalizing labor markets, traditional familial roles, and parental bias of educational investment by children’s gender and birth position, using a human behavioral ecology (HBE) framework. Survival models suggest that northern Thailand’s matrilineal tendencies may be increasing, not decreasing, with globalization: daughters bearing long-term expectations of support and remittance are more heavily invested in than sons, from whom matrilines expect and receive less. Birth position strongly affects educational attainment, reflecting differential familial helper and provider roles.

In feminist criminology, there is a growing body of research exploring gendered pathways into prison. However, to date, this scholarship has not considered how age and gender may intersect to impact women’s criminalization experiences. In this chapter, the authors have consequently chosen to explore older women’s (aged 50+ years) narratives of their journeys to prison in Thailand using a feminist pathways approach. Results show several common threads in the stories of these women. Most were criminalized for the first time in later adulthood, had lived with various childhood and adulthood adversities, including, but not limited, to victimization and financial precarity, and had familial caretaking responsibilities. Many also recounted problems with substance misuse. Additionally, two relatively distinct pathways to prison emerged from the narratives: (1) economically motivated, (2) adversity, emotional distress, and addiction. A third pathway – intersectional, diffuse and unique – was also identified. It included themes from the first two pathways and the story of one woman that could not be categorized elsewhere. While the imprisonment pathways found mirrored those from previous pathways scholarship points of difference are noted.

Objective – This chapter assesses health equity achievements of the Thai health system before and after the introduction of the universal coverage (UC) policy. It examines five dimensions of equity: equity in financial contributions, the incidence of catastrophic health expenditure, the degree of impoverishment as a result of household out-of-pocket payments for health, equity in health service use and the incidence of public subsidies for health.

Methodology – The standard methods proposed by O’Donnell, van Doorslaer, and Wagstaff (2008b) were used to measure equity in financial contribution, healthcare utilization and public subsidies, and in assessing the incidence of catastrophic health expenditure and impoverishment. Two major national representative household survey datasets were used: Socio-Economic Surveys and Health and Welfare Surveys.

Findings – General tax was the most progressive source of finance in Thailand. Because this source dominates total financing, the overall outcome was progressive, with the rich contributing a greater share of their income than the poor. The low incidence of catastrophic health expenditure and impoverishment before UC was further reduced after UC. Use of healthcare and the distribution of government subsidies were both pro-poor: in particular, the functioning of primary healthcare (PHC) at the district level serves as a “pro-poor hub” in translating policy into practice and equity outcomes.

Policy implications – The Thai health financing reforms have been accompanied by nationwide extension of PHC coverage, mandatory rural health service by new graduates and systems redesign, especially the introduction of a contracting model and closed-ended provider payment methods. Together, these changes have led to a more equitable and more efficient health system. Institutional capacity to generate evidence and to translate it into policy decisions, effective implementation and comprehensive monitoring and evaluation are essential to successful system-level reforms.

Drawing on studies in flood-affected upland areas of Thailand and Vietnam, this chapter explores the complex interplay between collective, state and individual responses to disastrous flood events and subsequent mitigation strategies. Fieldwork was conducted between 2007 and 2009, employing a variety of qualitative methods, such as semi-structured interviews in flood-affected households, focus group discussions and narrative essays written by local people. Evidence suggests that farmers’ willingness to engage in flood mitigation is curbed by the common perception that flooding is caused by a bundle of exogenous factors. In the case study from Vietnam, state intervention in formerly community-based water management has alienated farmers from water governance and reduced their sense of personal and collective responsibility. Their lack of engagement in flood-prevention strategies could also be explained by the fact that their major cash crop was not affected by the flood event. In the Thai case study, where community-based water management remained largely unaffected by state influence, villagers agreed in a collective decision-making process to widening the riverbed after a severe flood, although this meant that some farmers had to give up parts of their paddy fields. Yet, following a second flood, these farmers opened up new upland rice fields in the forested upper watershed areas to ensure their food security, thus increasing the likelihood of future flood disasters downstream. We conclude that flood mitigation and adaptation policies need to consider (1) local people’s own causal explanations of flood events and (2) the potential trade-offs between collective action, state intervention and individual livelihood strategies.