Search results

This chapter proposes to understand the prospects of smart technologies that can transform tourism destinations and instigate regenerative development process. Bio-based resource consumption and technology-driven practices aimed for better sustainable development have been the need of the era. This study emphasizes the theory of regenerative tourism, which attempts to preserve and improve a destination's natural and cultural resources while contributing to the socio-economic development of the host communities. It examines how transformational technologies, like smart infrastructure, big data analytics and renewable energy systems, could assist the tourism industry achieve the transition to a green economy. This chapter illustrates the benefits and problems of integrating such technologies into the tourism infrastructure of a destination. Additionally, it highlights the necessity of cooperation among stakeholders and policymakers and examines the possible environmental, social and economic implications of using a regenerative approach to tourism. The results of this study contribute to the expanding body of knowledge on the development of sustainable tourism and shed light on the transformative potential of technology in creating a more sustainable and resilient future.

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between military connections and tax avoidance in Indonesia. Further, the paper examines whether the relationship between military connections and tax avoidance is impacted by three corporate governance variables: auditor size or Big 4, board size and audit committee independence. Indonesia's settings allow for a unique investigation, as military involvement has been documented.

This paper uses Indonesia as the research setting because its military forces have a long history of business involvement. The sample includes 1,986 firm-year observations on the Indonesia Stock Exchange from 2010 to 2018. The period signifies the time of significant change post-Suharto to illustrate changes in military reform.

Military-connected firms recorded a negative relationship with effective tax rates, indicating higher tax avoidance. The authors extend this test by considering three corporate governance variables: Big 4, board size and audit committee independence. They find the corporate governance variables are ineffective in mitigating the positive impact of military-connected firms and corporate tax avoidance. The results remain consistent when performing endogeneity tests.

This paper adds to the extant literature by examining the impact of military connections on tax avoidance. The findings reflect Indonesia's institutional settings depicting military and political connections.

Even though the idea of citizen participation in tourism planning and policy-making is anything but new (Keogh, 1990; Murphy, 1985) its implementation becomes increasingly important as citizens play a key role for a socially sustainable tourism development (Bramwell & Lane, 2011; Moscardo, 2011; Papachristou & Rosas-Casals, 2019; Spil et al., 2017). Nonetheless, despite the consensus on the importance and urgency, the plethora of collaborative concepts has hardly been translated into reality. In this chapter, it will be questioned why citizen involvement in tourism policy is such a wicked problem. Further, the issue will be framed with the 10 characteristics of wicked problems by Rittel and Webber (1973) as well as Head’s (2022) governmental responses to wicked problems. Based on empirical data of two urban case studies, namely Munich (Germany) and Copenhagen (Denmark), citizens’ perspectives on their role in tourism have been disclosed to expand the past debate. Contrasting empirical findings and the outlined theoretical frame, various solution approaches could be identified from the so far neglected perspective of those at the heart of the wicked problem – the destination citizens.

This article analyses the effect of bank concentration on women's political empowerment in 80 developing countries over the period 2004–2020.

Banking concentration (BC) is measured by the assets held by the three largest commercial banks as a percentage of total commercial bank assets in a country. We use several indices to measure political empowerment, namely: the political empowerment index, composed of three indices (i.e. the women's civil liberties index, the women's participation in civil society index and the women's political participation index). The empirical evidence is based on the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Fixed Effects (FE) techniques.

The following findings are established. Banking concentration reduces women's political empowerment. Furthermore, information sharing offices (i.e. public credit registries and private credit bureaus) mitigate the negative effect of bank concentration on women’s political empowerment. Information sharing thresholds that are needed to completely dampen the negative effect of bank concentration on women’s political empowerment are provided. Policy implications are discussed, notably: (1) that governments in developing countries increase competition by easing barriers to entry for potential banks, to facilitate the transition from confiscatory concentration to distributive concentration favorable to all stakeholders; and (2) information sharing offices should be consolidated beyond the established thresholds in order to completely crowd-out the unfavorable effect of bank concentration of women’s political empowerment.

The paper provides new empirical evidence that helps to advance the debate on the effects of banking concentration and information sharing in the banking sector on women's political empowerment in developing countries.

Existing research has examined the results of women’s political leadership participation (WPLP) and the reasons for the lack of advancement of women to management positions. However, little research has been adopting a more comprehensive framework and configuration perspective to investigate the determinants of WPLP. By integrating institutional theory and institutional complementarities theory, this study aims to construct an institution–culture–structure framework to investigate the multiple driving mechanisms of WPLP.

Drawing on the fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis method and a sample of 66 countries, the authors identify multiple equifinal combinations of conditions related to high and not-high levels of WPLP.

According to the results, the authors summarize five pathways influencing WPLP. These pathways include education and culture-driven pattern, political institutions-driven pattern, political institutions and structure-driven pattern, integrated-driven pattern and political institutions and culture restrictive pattern.

The authors shed new light on the driving mechanism of WPLP and contribute to research on making full out of women’s leadership.

The study utilises unique survey data gathered from 12,427 party members. The dependent variable measures party members’ in-party commitment and is based on willingness to donate money, to contribute effort, the feeling of belonging in the party network and social trust in the party network.

In this article, we study how different extra-parliamentary online and offline activities are associated with in-party commitment amongst political party members from the six largest Finnish parties. We especially delve into the differences between members of the Finnish parties.

We found that extra-parliamentary political activity, including connective action through social media networks and collective action through civic organisations, is highly associated with members’ in-party commitment. Additionally, members of the newer identity parties more effectively utilised social media networks, whilst the traditional interest parties were still more linked to traditional forms of extra-parliamentary political action.

By employing the sociological network theory perspective, the study contributes to ongoing discussions surrounding the impact of social media on political participation amongst party members, both within and beyond the confines of political parties.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of social movements engendered by the Arab Spring crisis on the relationship between corporate social responsibility disclosure (CSRD) and corporate governance attributes, particularly board composition, considering the importance of governance after the Arab Spring event.

Content analysis was used to examine the extent and nature of CSRD in annual reports of Jordanian companies listed on the Amman Stock Exchange covering the period 2009–2016. A dynamic regression model using panel data is then undertaken for a sample of 114 listed companies over the period to analyse the potential impact of board composition on the level of CSRD.

The results reveal that there was a significant increase in the level of CSRD post-the Arab Spring crisis; and that governance appears to be a key driver. Specifically, board age, directors educated in business and/or accounting-related fields and foreign members are found to have a significant positive relationship with CSRD.

Looking at the Arab region pre- and after the Arab Spring helps to complete the global picture of how company governance can lead to improved CSR performance. Specifically, this region has been behind in developing rules and codes that include CSR. The results show that having a diverse board, with directors with expertise specific to the context, increases the effectiveness of stakeholder management through CSRD. The results, therefore, offer valuable insights for companies, policymakers and for the development of regulations.

Research on the political connections of multinational enterprises’ (MNEs’) subsidiaries in emerging host countries has been growing. The purpose of this paper is to integrate institutional and resource dependence theories to argue that MNEs-subsidiaries are likely to develop fewer formal (i.e. board-level) political connections when operating in welfare-state monarchies as compared to in host countries with developmental-state democratic systems. Furthermore, this paper argues that MNE-subsidiaries develop formal political connections to a greater extent in industries where religion influences the development of products and services considerably. Finally, the extent of developing formal political connections varies by the scale of the MNEs’ investment (or subsidiary density) in the host market.

The paper tests its hypotheses on a sample of foreign-owned subsidiaries operating in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The data was collected by combining information from Bureau Van Dijk’s Orbis database with company websites and other secondary sources. The final sample consisted of 156 observations – 70 MNEs-subsidiaries operating in Saudi Arabia, and 86 in Egypt.

The findings confirm that foreign subsidiaries are likely to develop fewer formal political connections in a welfare-state monarchy as compared to in a developmental-state democratic system. Furthermore, formal political connections are more significant in industries that are impacted by the influence of religion – such as the financial industry in Arab countries. Finally, the extent of using political connections varies by the scale of the MNEs’ investment in the host market – that is, with a greater scale of investment (or higher subsidiary density), formal political connections are greater.

The paper contributes theoretically by explaining that a combination of institutional heterogeneity and its associated resource dependence conditions between MNEs and host governments influence MNE-subsidiaries' political connections. The paper tests its hypotheses in an emerging Arab context, which is characterized by both autocratic and semi-democratic political settings, and which makes the integration of institutional and resource dependence theories useful in explaining how MNE-subsidiaries navigate local complexities in this region.

This paper develops and tests a theoretical model that draws on the Diffusion Contingency Model and the Theory of Human Behavior to explain the factors influencing users’ acceptance of accrual accounting in terms of two distinct dimensions: behavioral intention and usage behavior.

Based on surveyed data from financial departments and directorates of different Greek general government entities, the paper uses factor analysis to build a theoretical model that assesses the factors influencing behavioral intention to adopt and usage behavior of accrual accounting. Then, it tests the relationship between behavioral intention and usage behavior through structural equation modeling.

The theoretical model suggests that the expected improvement of the quality of financial information and political and financial support are the most important determinants of behavioral intention. Usage behavior is mainly influenced by the compatibility between the existing legal framework and the new accounting system. The structural equation modeling identifies a statistically significant positive influence of behavioral intention on usage behavior.

The study provides valuable insights regarding the timing and focus of the actions taken by policymakers when designing accounting reforms. Special attention is drawn to the factors influencing behavioral intentions, as these are found to influence usage behavior significantly.

The study extends prior research on the diffusion of accounting innovations by breaking down the diffusion process into intentions-oriented actions aiming to promote accrual accounting and increase acceptance and implementation-oriented actions aiming to facilitate successful implementation.

The build-up of large-scale COVID-19 testing required an unprecedented effort of coordination within decentralized healthcare systems around the world. The aim of the study was to elucidate the challenges of vertical policy coordination between non-political actors at the national and regional levels regarding this policy issue, using Sweden as our case.

Interviews with key actors at the national and regional levels were analyzed using an adapted version of a conceptualization by Adam et al. (2019), depicting barriers to vertical policy coordination.

Our results show that the main issues in the Swedish context were related to parallel sovereignty and a vagueness regarding responsibilities and mandates as well as complex governmental structures and that this was exacerbated by the unfamiliarity and uncertainty of the policy issue. We conclude that understanding the interaction between the comprehensiveness and complexity of the policy issue and the institutional context is crucial to achieving effective vertical policy coordination.

Many studies have focused on countries’ overall pandemic responses, but in order to improve the outcome of future pandemics, it is also important to learn from more specific response measures.