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This exploratory study aims to explore the Pakhtun pregnant women’s experiences/issues during the COVID-19 pandemic.

This research is based on interviews.

This research found that plummeting medical services pose not only serious health risks to the Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) but expose them to social and cultural challenges resulting in severe mental health issues. This study also found that the policies adopted by the Government of Pakistan for tackling COVID-19 completely threw off track basic health services that both men and women require in times of health emergencies.

This paper is 100% original research based on an exploratory study.

The purpose of this paper is to explore fieldwork dilemmas for a Pakhtun researcher, educated in the West, to research family or domestic violence in the unstable, hostile environment of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province, Pakistan.

A gender studies approach is here combined with masculinities studies, and a critical qualitative research methodology is used in this study.

The paper argues that unstable regions dominated by certain forms of masculinity require specific research approaches when conducting research and addressing a topic that is culturally taboo.

The paper suggests how the insider–outsider dynamic plays out for researchers who come from a particular field and return to it under changed circumstances. It also indicates how a taboo topic in a context where direct questioning is not possible might be approached through the use of vignettes.

The paper suggests how the contradictory position of a masculinity, simultaneously bearing traces of the hegemonic and of marginalization, may be negotiated in the field.

Social research on the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan is rarely conducted and reported due to the unrest in this region. The paper thus contributes original insights from fieldwork carried out there. It also contributes to the limited but growing literature on conducting fieldwork in hostile environments.

The measurement of women's economic welfare and exploring its underlying factors have been undervalued in the context of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. This study addressed this gap by focusing on assessing women's subjective economic welfare and its socioeconomic and cultural determinants in the education and health sectors within Mardan, Northern Pakistan.

The study used stratified random sampling techniques for the selection of sample respondents and collected data through a well-structured questionnaire. To measure women’s economic welfare, the study utilizes Lorenz curves, the Gini index, the Sen Social Welfare function and an individual's gross monthly income. Furthermore, the ordinary least squares method was utilized to analyze the determinants of economic welfare.

The findings show greater income inequality and a lower welfare level for women in the education sector compared to the health sector. Likewise, the study identifies several key determinants, such as age, educational qualification, job experience, respect for working women, outside and work-place problems and the suffering of family members of working women for their economic well-being.

This study makes valuable contributions to the literature by focusing on the cultural perspective of Pakhtun women in Mardan and providing a context-specific understanding of subjective economic welfare. Additionally, the authors collected first-hand data, which gave an original outlook on working women's current economic welfare level. Furthermore, this study undertakes a comparative analysis of working women's welfare in the health and education sectors. This comparison offers a more accurate portrayal of the challenges and opportunities specific to these occupations.

The peer-review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-04-2023-0246

The Federal Government of Pakistan has been interrogated by the tribal communities of the country regarding socio-economic inclusiveness. The Islamic Republic of Pakistan has a large number of ethnic groups, and most of them are economically vulnerable and societally excluded due to partial governmental policy and societal construction. Most of the tribal groups are concentrated in Baluchistan, North-Western Frontier province and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Due to the lopsided developmental policy and existence of the feudal system, the wealth and lands are concentrated in a handful number of rural elites. The tribal communities are not only socio-economically backward but also trapped by terrorism. Due to financial crisis and large-scale unemployment, tribal youths have been involved with various radical forces and criminal activities. The secessionist movement of the Baloch people has a long history of deprivation. This chapter intends to investigate the socio-economic challenges of the tribal people of Pakistan and the reluctant outlook of the federal government. It will also delineate how the tribal youths are being attached to terrorist groups due to unemployment and how this is more dangerous to the security of Pakistan. This chapter is based on the content analysis method. The basic argument of this chapter is that socio-economic inclusiveness is required in a multi-ethnic country to ensure social harmony, national integration and national security.

The Pashtun Jirga is a “tribal” conflict resolution method that has survived for centuries, with the Pashtuns, both in Afghanistan and Pakistan, still practicing it in rural communities. The chapter argues how the introduction and persistence of the Frontier Crimes Regulations, 1901, a colonial-era regulation, has undermined not only the traditional authority of the tribal elders but also diminished the importance of the Jirga. However, the tribal Pashtuns, through Jirga and Jirga-based Lashkars (tribal militias), have also occasionally supported the Pakistani military's actions against various militant groups operating in the Pashtun tribal areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas. The chapter argues why, even with its positives, the Jirga still possess various loopholes that result in various gender rights violations in the Pashtun society. Finally, the chapter also discusses how recent developments in the Pashtun tribal areas, leading to their merger with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, along with the introduction of the country's judiciary present a challenge for the survival of the Jirga as a conflict resolution tool in the tribal areas. Moreover, the chapter also argues why the young Pashtuns from the tribal region are against the male-dominated nature of Jirga and want it to be replaced with modern judicial structures, presenting a challenge to the survival of Jirga in Pakistan.

The study was conducted with the primary objective of measuring the association between the disputant’s expenses and Dispute Resolution Council (DRC) effectiveness in the study area.

The current study followed a quantitative research design. To obtain the study objectives, data was collected from a sample of 387 respondents in the selected three Tehsils of District Mardan, Pakistan. The respondents were selected through multistage stratified random sampling. At bivariate and multivariate level analyses, chi-square test and Gamma (γ) test statistics were used to test the relationship between variables (expenses of the disputants and effectiveness of DRC). Gender, monthly income and literacy status were used as control variables at the multivariate level.

At the bivariate level analysis, the study found a significant association (P = 0.05) of office of DRC is easily accessible, DRC as a cost-effective justice system as compared to other, availability of a vehicle to reach the DRC office and affordable amount for preparation of documents and filing the case with the effectiveness of DRC. At the multivariate level, the study portrayed that the expenses of the disputants enhance the effectiveness of DRC in males to a greater extent than females. However, the costs of the disputants were a universal feature to explain the efficacy of DRC irrespective of monthly income and literacy status.

The present study was limited to cost and expenditure of the disputants which was associated with effectiveness of DRC with collaboration of gender, monthly income and literacy status. Moreover, a representation of “387” was only selected but it was enough for validity and reliability of the research dynamics.

The current study is highly significant for the policymakers for devising alternate policies for disputes resolution as the study focused on the cost and expenditure and recommend suggestions that how to improve the effectiveness of DRC in easy and timely disposal of disputes.

The main objectives of the study is to examine the association between cost and expenditure of the disputant and effectiveness of DRC. In addition, to measure the influence of gender, income and literacy status on the association between the association between cost and expenditure of the disputant and effectiveness of DRC.

The current study is highly significant for policymakers to devise alternate policies for dispute resolution. The study focused on the cost and expenditure and recommended suggestions for improving the effectiveness of DRC in easy and timely disposal of disputes.