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The purpose of this study is to explore legislative kleptocracy, specifically, budget padding, in Nigeria’s budding democracy, using systems thinking approach for a positive social change. Nigeria’s legislature is not free from the problem of kleptocracy inasmuch as some legislators have been charged with kleptocratic activities. The multifariousness of kleptocracy rooted in its differential coefficient in the Nigeria’s legislature does not underplay its sophistication.

In this qualitative analysis, the author generated data through a systematic analysis of documents.

The findings show that unexplored organismic factors or forces within the living being such as the inability of legislators to control their mind, low self-control, cheating propensity, identity crisis, etc., play vital roles in contributing to legislative kleptocracy.

The main limitation of the study is that it is not generalizable.

The practical implication of the study is that implementation of the study recommendations is pragmatic, cost-effective and time-effective, and it would ensure legislative transformation and mitigate kleptocracy.

The social implication of the study is if the Nigerian legislature implements the recommendation(s) of the study, there will be a legislative positive social change because financial crimes would have been mitigated.

This study filled the lacuna in the financial crime literature because it is the first of its kind in the discipline, and hence its originality cannot be disputed.

The purpose of this qualitative case study is to explore strategies for the de-escalation of kleptocracy in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.

The author used a qualitative case study to facilitate the generation of data from eight research participants in semi-structured open-ended interviews.

The themes that emerged from analysis of interview transcriptions were high self-control, traditional African oath of office, whistleblowing, stiffer penalties for corrupt officials, education and training, self-regulation and sonic therapeutic intervention.

Interviewees might withhold information regarding their insights on strategies for de-escalating kleptocracy. That was beyond my control.

The study results provided leaders with insightful comprehension of anti-kleptocracy policy in the oil and gas industry. Therefore, leaders would benefit and advance their decision-making process on the development and implementation of an anti-kleptocracy strategy to revamp the financial value of the oil and gas industry in Nigeria.

The results of the study have the potential to contribute to positive social change by enlightening government leaders and anti-corruption agencies on strategies to de-escalate kleptocracy in the oil and gas industry.

The study’s uniqueness enabled filling the gap in financial crime literature as well as an added value to the applied management and decision sciences domain.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the place of kleptocracy and foreign corruption within the broader framework of financial crime. This facilitates understanding the importance of kleptocracy and foreign corruption as social problems. Two other aims are to better understand the most problematic components of a kleptocratic network and the most effective combatants of that network. A subsequent goal is to offer solutions from a broad range of interventions, including policy, technology, education, research and collaborative efforts.

Theoretical economic concepts are used to analyze the importance of kleptocracy and foreign corruption. A small in-depth survey of 15 experts is conducted to identify the most problematic components of kleptocratic networks and the most effective combatants of those networks. The proposed solutions are based on a combination of argumentation, econometric developments, application of trends in related fields and material from in-depth surveys.

This paper identifies kleptocracy and foreign corruption as one of the most, if not the most, devastating financial crime according to its impact on the total marginal utility of wealth. Experts identify foreign kleptocrats or corrupt foreign government officials as the most problematic entities in kleptocratic networks and the most effective combatant is identified as the US Department of Justice. By adding up fines and asset forfeiture related to corruption, penalties are found to be a small fraction of the problem in terms of monetary magnitude.

The paper does not attempt to make causal claims because of the nature of the paper’s purpose and methodology.

The paper offers suggestions and methods for academic researchers who may wish to pursue a research agenda that is empirical and forensic with the aim of combatting kleptocracy and foreign corruption. The paper describes how information on kleptocracy and foreign corruption can be implemented into business and economics curriculum.

Kleptocracy and foreign corruption are important problems, and creative solutions are desperately needed.

The paper shows how understanding and combatting kleptocracy and foreign corruption can be considered an interdisciplinary activity, touching on fields including technology, economics, business, ethics, education, law, policy, statistics and research methods.

The purpose of this study is to sonographically explore kleptocracy in Nigeria’s nascent democracy and evaluate how democracy can mitigate kleptocratic behavior amongst Nigerian political elite for a positive social change using sonic therapeutic intervention lens.

The author inductively generated data through document analysis in this qualitative study.

The results of the study showed that kleptocracy has been an age-long politico-financial crime in Nigeria. The author proffered sonic therapeutic intervention to simultaneously enhance democratic values and mitigate kleptocracy among the Nigerian leaders.

The limitations of the study stemmed from the fact that it cannot be generalized.

The practical implications of the study stemmed from the fact that any leader can take advantage of the research findings and apply the recommendations to themselves for personal transformation without incurring any costs.

The social implication of the study is rooted in the fact that if the Nigerian leadership implement the recommendation(s) of the study, there will be a positive social change in the country inasmuch as financial crime will be mitigated.

The originality of the study stemmed from the fact that this inquiry filled the gap in financial crime literature and there was no such study ever conducted in the discipline.

With sanctions becoming an increasingly important tool in ostracising autocratic regimes from western markets, the need for effective enforcement of sanctions and anti-money laundering (AML) is increasing, and the global AML regime will be the backbone to detecting evasion of sanctions. This regime, however, has been widely criticised as ineffective. This paper aims to discuss issues with the current sanctions/AML regime and propose a reward scheme for whistleblowers to enable asset seizures that is not reliant on its effectiveness.

This paper reviews weaknesses in the global AML regime, provide suggestions on how to design whistleblower reward programmes, based on agency experience and empirical evidence, as well as elaborate on how to use such programmes in the AML context.

This study concludes that for reward programmes to be effective in the context of AML and sanctions enforcement, they need to include witness protection and leniency for money launderers, though not for those convicted of a criminal offence associated with the predicate crime. Moreover, rewards should be mandatory and scale with the amount of money seized or confiscated, and the cap on monetary rewards should be higher than it is under the Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Rewards Programme in the USA.

In contrast to how the USA went about implementing rewards in this area under the Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Rewards Programme, this study argues that these programmes should be designed differently. This study also provides novel advice to governments on different design dimensions in the AML context and a model with three crucial pillars along with other design dimensions that should be considered.

The purpose of this paper is to present a discussion of the corrosive effects of corruption and techniques, both criminal and civil to recover the proceeds of corruption.

The paper examines the Canadian and international perspective on the issue.

Civil asset recovery is a viable technique although there are a number of barriers that need to be addressed.

Further research on the effectiveness of recovery measures needs to be conducted.

The paper examines the practical implications of the asset recovery techniques to address corruption.

Perspectives on asset recovery are brought to bear from an anti‐money laundering and forfeiture practitioner.

The purpose of this paper is to diagnostically explore the phenomenon of judicial corruption in Nigeria, its causative factors and generate strategies such as sonic therapeutic intervention, among others, that would facilitate an amelioration of the situation. The judiciary which is supposed to be last hope of justice for the Nigerian citizenry has been proven beyond reasonable doubt to have been infected with the virus of corruption, and therefore, an urgent call for action to rectify the situation is imperative.

The study uses a qualitative approach rooted in case study tradition.

The findings showed that power and testosterone, cheating proclivity, family pressure, qualitative passion and ignorance, low self-control, inordinate kleptocratic desire, unrestrained mind and sensory modalities, phenomenological mindset and identity crisis as endogenous contributive factors of judicial corruption in Nigeria.

The limitation of the study stemmed from the fact that inasmuch as a perception of corruption and corruption are cultural phenomena, the study results cannot be generalizable.

The practical implication of the research is rooted in the fact that the Nigerian judiciary can gain from the study results and recommendation(s) if implemented without fear or favor for the overall renewal of the judiciary and the nation at large.

The study is geared toward ameliorating the Nigerian corrupt judiciary or repositioning the judiciary on its pivotal dignity, and hence, its social implication cannot be overemphasized inasmuch as a positive social change would prevail if the study results and recommendation(s) are aligned with and implemented.

Inquiry on judicial corruption through the lens of qualitative research with Nigeria as a case study is highly understudied, and hence, this research fills the gap in the financial crime literature.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the Ghanaian economy within the context of its macro‐economic indicators and the performance of the agricultural sector against the backdrop of the exogenous economic explanation of the resource curse. This is aimed at equipping policy makers with the tools needed in identifying symptoms of the Dutch disease as it transitions from an agrarian to an oil economy.

This is a research paper, employing quantitative and qualitative data of the macro‐economic indicators in the last ten years (2000‐2010) and policy initiatives since the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in Ghana. Furthermore, it also examines theoretical perspectives of the Dutch disease as frames of analysis to gauge the existence of any symptoms of the latter.

The paper questions a previous World Bank (2009) report classifying the Ghanaian economy as already showing signs of the Dutch disease. The paper suggests that the macro‐economic indicators show resilience and stability of the economy which is necessary for growth. It is observed that various government policies are aimed at improving agriculture inspite of the emerging oil industry. The paper recognizes some areas of concern and recommends further studies to observe the changes in dynamics when the “petro‐dollars” begin to flow into the economy.

This is a pioneering work which seeks to provide early warning signals of the Dutch disease in an emerging oil economy.

The paper aims to assess the institutional readiness of Ghana prior to and after the production of her first oil. The paper also assesses the influence of politics in directing the appropriate use of the oil rents in facilitating the developmental needs of the country.

The paper uses a literature review of the main theories regarding national politics and institutional policies in explaining the economic demise of a country due to a natural resource find. It also uses the natural resource find in Norway as a case study, drawing lessons from the effectiveness of Norway’s institutional policies in harnessing maximum benefits from their oil find and how developing nations such as Ghana can do same.

The paper establishes that Ghana’s institutional architecture as regards the production of oil and gas is fraught with inadequacies on all fronts as regards regulations, regulators and the needed logistics. Additionally, the paper also highlights the role of Ghana’s political elite in perpetuating these institutional inadequacies.

The paper highlights the insufficiencies in the institutional readiness for Ghana’s oil find and brings to the fore the influence of Ghana’s politics in contributing to these inadequacies.

In this chapter I argue that education cannot escape being influenced by the economic, political and cultural effects of globalization. Through an examination of the policies of national governments, agenda of international organizations such as the World Bank and UNESCO, the global practices of privatization, accountability and managerialism, I demonstrate that education is being used as a tool of neo-liberal economic reform, a process that increases inequalities and marginalizes the already unheard voices. I argue that any analysis of globalization and its impact on higher education requires stepping back from all interactions and practices and asking basic questions about what these terms imply, why they function the way they do, and whose interests they serve. A critical analysis of the transformation of universities and thus the knowledge produced is essential as it affects and infiltrates our very consciousness. I argue that while higher education is being restructured under the neo-liberal economic rationality it is important for educators to find out what will be gained and what will be lost before going ahead with such restructuring. I also contend that the neo-liberal economic rationality of globalization has framed the restructuring of education in such a manner that its function has changed from production of knowledge to production and management of wealth. As a result of accepting the dominant discourse of the globalization agenda without much critical analysis or debate regarding its consequences, education has lost its basic function of producing democratic citizens.