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The purpose of this paper is to show how CO₂ equivalent emissions are closely linked with economic development, over time and also across countries.

Emissions data from energy information administration were subjected to macro analysis, regressed upon GDP data, longitudinally and cross‐sectionally.

The conversion factor linking energy to output to pollution is estimated over time and between economies. It is today far too high, making global climate change almost certain.

Global environmental coordination is very difficult to achieve, given the nature of this gigantic PD game in combination with weak institutions for policy making and implementation. The only way to stabilise CO₂ emissions is to focus upon the conversion factor linking energy to output to pollution.

The paper shows the clear and Juggernaut type connections between energy‐economic output‐CO₂ emissions.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that spending on environmental protection will aid, rather than hamper, economic development which is itself sustainable. The paper attempts to show that a more activist role of the governments of Asia‐Pacific countries in the making and implementation of a global emissions regime is much in line with the real situation in this economically vibrant region of the world.

The paper combines information from the Living Planet Report of 2008 with data from the Energy Information Administration to display the energy‐environment conundrum in the Asia‐Pacific region.

Emissions of greenhouse gases can only decrease significantly in this region, if there is a concerted policy change towards the establishment of a green economy. Climate change can only be halted if the predicted increases in energy production induced emissions are halted, especially in the most vibrant region of the world economically.

The responsibility of Asia‐Pacific Governments to take part in a global energy policy cannot be avoided by the confusion of per capita and total emissions. Huge populous countries with high rates of economic growth have such large total emissions that it is in the interest of these country governments to support schemes like a global carbon tax or a global carbon‐trading scheme.

The paper addresses the energy‐environment conundrum by focussing on total emissions.

The purpose of this paper is to look at the 2008 financial crisis from the viewpoint of evolutionary economics.

The paper links the shattering of economic expectations in 2007‐2008 with the coming energy‐environment conundrum.

The paper shows that responding to the challenges of the energy‐environment conundrum implies moving the entire global economy towards the evolution of a green economy away from the burning of fossil fuels with attending global warming effect.

The paper focuses upon the spontaneous coordination in the global market leading to the innovations that the handling of the energy‐environment conundrum requires.

The paper engages in essential critical market regulation like higher capital requirements of financial institutions (Basel 3) and stimulate the green economy by some form of carbon tax or emissions trading scheme.

Interpreting the financial market bubble in 2008 against the coming of the energy‐environment conundrum with its immense repercussions for the real economy in a long‐term, i.e. evolutionary perspective.

China has become a most dominant player in the global economy with immense political repercussions, for instance in Africa. The extremely rapid Chinese economic transformation has been accomplished through strong globalisation with, for example, entrance into the WTO framework. Now it faces the challenges of accepting the other side of the globalisation coin, namely institutional transparency, ecological sustainability and foreign policy integration into the international community. The purpose of this paper is to explore this.

Macro approach using country indicators on economic growth, institutional transparency, rule of law and ecology pressure. It relates these index scores to the overall social transformation of the country.

China has performed well on economic globalisation but lags on political modernisation, i.e. institutional transparency as well as on ecological sustainability for a post‐modern society.

China must address the challenges of the post‐modern society with its call for transparency, sustainability and peaceful accommodation with neighbours.

Modernisation has two sides, not only economic growth. As China is set to become the world leader economically, it will embark upon the post‐modern society, with its demands for peace, rule of law and environmental protection.

The paper puts economic globalisation against political modernisation and ecological globalisation in a clear manner for China.

Considers why different explanations of the same event can be produced and discusses the characteristics of a good explanation. It identifies and analyses a wide range of different published explanations of a seminal public administration policy‐change. It separates those accounts of that event into families of explanations and describes their common underlying presuppositions. These shared presuppositions are used to construct four models of public policy‐making: sovereign policy‐makers; policy‐makers as relays; policy‐making as the personal; and the discursive construction of policy. Each explanation (and its conceptual model) is challenged by historically grounded counter‐evidence. Based on this analysis the paper suggest ways in which analysis of public management changes might be more fruitfully orientated.

In almost all aspects of social life government intervention seems much more pervasive and intrusive today than ever before – at least in many of the Western countries. Governments seem year by year to consume still more resources and to regulate the details of the actions and interactions of their citizens still further.

Public administration as an aspect of governmental activity has existed as long as political systems have been functioning and trying to achieve program objectives set by the political decision-makers. Public administration as a field of systematic study is much more recent. Advisers to rulers and commentators on the workings of government have recorded their observations from time to time in sources as varied as Kautilya's Arthasastra in ancient India, the Bible, Aristotle's Politics, and Machiavelli's The Prince, but it was not until the eighteenth century that cameralism, concerned with the systematic management of governmental affairs, became a specialty of German scholars in Western Europe. In the United States, such a development did not take place until the latter part of the nineteenth century, with the publication in 1887 of Woodrow Wilson's famous essay, “The Study of Administration,” generally considered the starting point. Since that time, public administration has become a well-recognized area of specialized interest, either as a subfield of political science or as an academic discipline in its own right.