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The study from which this article is derived was carried out in eight diversely located primary schools in the United States of America. Each had implemented the system of Individually Guided Education (IGE) several years previously; and each was chosen from among 42 schools that had already been randomly selected and studied by researchers from the Wisconsin Research and Development (R & D) Centre because they met several predetermined operational criteria. One of the several questions investigated in the study concerned the impact of the principal's leader behaviour on the decision‐making processes used in the schools, each of which was typified by the principal sharing leadership responsibilities with a representative cabinet type leadership committee, called the Instructional Improvement Committee (IIC). Field methodology incorporating interviews, observations and questionnaires was used to collect the data. In this article the background to the study is presented, the theoretical considerations of educational leadership relevant to the question explored are outlined, the research methodology is described, the pertinent collected data are tabulated and analysed, the major findings concerning the leader behaviour of the principal are reported, and the implications for practice set down. The conclusion is drawn that the leadership of the principal is a crucial factor in the functioning of the IIC.

While scholars recognize that parent engagement in children’s education is beneficial, much of the normative parent involvement literature rests on the assumption that marginalized parents of color must be taught white middle-class norms of conduct in order to engage with the school system. In this chapter, we describe the ways our critical ethnographic implementation and analysis of the Parent Mentor Program – a parent engagement project in a small urban school district in Central New York – re-envisions parent engagement in three interrelated ways. First, we argue that the project is race-, class-, gender-, and power-conscious, drawing on the interrelated theoretical frames of Critical Race Theory and Critical Whiteness Studies. Second, we argue that the program and research are unique in utilizing the toolkit of critical ethnography to not merely describe, but also to intervene in educational inequity. Third, we argue that the program has a more holistic goal than much of the parent engagement literature, as it seeks to connect parent engagement and activism with the larger antiracist goal of using restorative justice strategies to disrupt the disproportionate disciplining of Black students. Focusing on critical ethnographic methods in practice, we analyze the shifting positionalities of a multiracial research team as we grappled with methodological dilemmas in the first three years of the program. We document how we balanced the goals of introducing a race-conscious framework and catalyzing critical consciousness with the realities of constantly renegotiating entry in a school district characterized by colorblindness and colormuteness.

The creation of sound school-family-community partnerships is being widely acknowledged as it strengthens school programs, family practices, student learning and behavior, as well as development. Active participation of parents and communities in the school tends to reduce the traditional unidirectional accountability of teachers as a sole party responsible for learners’ success. Furthermore, such collaboration is said to cultivate new hope about schools and education, especially among rural communities. However, key stakeholders in education claimed that school-family-community partnerships were weak in primary schools in Kakamega County, Kenya (Ministry of Education (MOE), 2010). The paper aims to discuss these issues.

This study was designed to generate relevant empirical evidence. The study was guided by the Social Capital Theory (Field, 2003; Horvat et al., 2003; Coleman, 1994; Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992) whose central thesis is that social networks are a valuable asset, as interaction enables people to build communities, commit themselves to each other, and knit the social fabric. Using stratified random sampling, a sample of 361 primary school teachers in 34 schools drawn from a population of 8,964 teachers in 848 primary schools, cutting across the 12 districts in the county, was involved in the study. A questionnaire was developed and used to collect the teachers’ views of school-family-community partnership practices in the schools. The data generated were analyzed and presented by means of such descriptive statistics as frequencies, percentages, and the mean.

The findings revealed gaps with respect to collaboration among schools, families, and the community as the key focus in this study. Results indicated that the school-family-community partnerships in the county remained at a transactional rather than a transformational level. In light of the findings, relevant policy recommendations were proposed to improve practice, with particular attention to providing meaningful professional learning as well as desirable student outcomes.

This is one of the largest county-level studies in Kenya directly addressing teacher-family partnerships and illuminating the ways in which schools can build internal capacity for effective family engagement.

School development planning (SDP) is one outcome of education being managed by modes of management that originate in the corporate world of private enterprise. While the rhetoric indicates strongly that modes of management such as SDP are supportive of efficiency, effectiveness and public accountability, empirical evidence is slight. Provides a case study of SDP in a small rural disadvantaged primary school called Meiki in which SDP has proved to be a rewarding process for staff and has had a positive impact on student outcomes. However, it raises serious questions about the connection between SDP and claims for enhanced efficiency.

From the in-group status as a former homeschool parent, the goal is to problematize the entanglement of neoliberalism within self-directed education (SDE) pedagogies. Further and importantly, this study aims to bring attention to and examine the neoliberal resistant practices found in Black homeschooling.

A narrative literature review, content analysis and autoethnographic reflection to critically examine the neoliberal subjectivity of SDE and identify neoliberal-resistant SDE practices of Black homeschooling families.

This paper identifies SDE’s vulnerability to neoliberal subjectivity despite the neoliberal oppositional ethos of many of its practices and its antiestablishment historical context and rhetoric. It analyzes conceptions of self, autonomy and freedom (the ideas that underwrite self-direction) that can inform a critical self-directed learning (SDL) approach. It explores contemporary Black homeschooling and SDE practices for evidence of these conceptions, arguing that this demographic, at the margin of the discursive homeschooling community, instantiates an authentic resistance and disruption to neoliberal subjectivity in SDE.

Very little research has been done on neoliberal subjectivity in the discursive SDE community. The vulnerability of SDE to neoliberalization is important to SDL homeschoolers, unschoolers and other SDE facilitators who want to practice alternative-to-mainstream values or social justice-oriented pedagogy. Without awareness of this vulnerability, neoliberal hegemony can be reproduced by SDE practices.

Populations in the United States and Australia are also becoming increasingly culturally diverse. In the United States, for example, it is projected that between 1990 and 2050, the percentage of the US population of Hispanic origin will be almost triple, growing from 9% to 25% (making them the largest minority group by far) and the percentage Asian population will be more than double, growing from 3% to 8%. During the same period, the percentage of Black population will remain relatively stable increasing only slightly from 12% to 14%; while the percentage of White population will decline sharply from 76% to 53%. Australia has a long history of skill- and humanitarian-based migration policy. This has resulted in a culturally diverse society, especially in parts of the capital cities of the states and territories. This emphasis looks likely to continue in the future, and will continue to change the Australian society as the humanitarian needs change across the world.

New Zealand schools are now managed by parent‐elected trustees whose role is to work in partnership with school staff to formulate and monitor aspects of school policy. A sample of those involved in the partnership (principals, teachers, chairpersons and parents) were asked what role they thought the Board should play in three different types of school policy decision. The results showed that, while there were some differences between primary and secondary respondents, most respondents believed the Board should play a far less influential role in educational than in administrative decisions. Overall, less than 50 per cent of both the professional and lay groups expressed opinions about the Board′s role that were consistent with current government policy on the management of New Zealand schools.

Most schools struggle to get busy and stressed parents to come repeatedly to the school building for events. At primary schools, especially those with pupils living in low-income communities or with many immigrants, involving parents to come at all is seen as a challenge. The purpose of this paper is to present a social ecological strategy of using the school building as a site for families to gather and for community networks to grow by building relationships between parents who have same-aged children attending that school. When families know other families, they feel more comfortable coming into the school building, and probably will return frequently.

A large randomised controlled trial of 52 urban schools with an average of 73 per cent Latino students situated in disadvantaged neighbourhoods in the USA has data to examine the impact of this strategy on parent involvement. Parents of all first-grade students (age 6 or 7) at schools assigned either to Families and Schools Together (FAST) or services-as-usual were invited to participate. At schools with the social ecological strategy universal invites were made to those in the study to attend any one of eight weekly multi-family group sessions offered after-school at the building. Trained teams were culturally representative of the families (language, ethnicity) and made up of local parents and professionals; each team hosted up to ten families in a hub for two and a half hours (83 families attended at one session). Parents were socially included, treated with respect, coached by the team to lead a family meal, singing, family crafts and games at a family table. Parent time (respite) was provided with chat-time in pairs, followed by parent-led discussion groups. Parents were coached in one to one time, “child-led” responsive play for 15 minutes.

Parent involvement data showed that on average, 43.6 per cent of all first-graders’ families (an average of 44 families per school) attended at least one session; of those, who attended at least one session, 69 per cent returned for another. On average, of those families who attended at least once, the average family went four times; an average of 22 families per school attended six or more sessions. Parent graduates led monthly booster sessions open to all families. In half of the families, both fathers and mothers attended; immigrant parents attended statistically significantly more than native-born ones. In surveys, more parents in schools with FAST vs control reported attending three or more events at school.

The FAST programme encourages the involvement of reluctant parents in school events. This benefits both children’s general well-being and academic attainment and so contributes to preventative public health strategies.

This paper brings new perspectives to the challenges faced by educators in involving parents at school by a sociologist-led research team introducing a social worker-developed social ecological, systemic strategy to schools in low-income communities using a randomised controlled design. This novel social ecological approach has consistently and effectively engaged whole families into increased involvement in schools in 20 countries, especially in low-income communities. Headteachers consistently report increased school engagement of FAST parent graduates for years, suggesting that the early intensity builds ongoing relationships of trust and reciprocity across home, school and community. Policy makers should note that building social capital in disadvantaged communities through partnerships with parents and schools can result in decreased disparities in health, social care and education.

In this paper we build upon previous research that examines how workers in devalued occupations transform structural conditions that threaten their dignity into resources with which to protect themselves. Through in-depth interviews and fieldwork with early childhood educators (ECE), we examine the work experiences of teachers in four distinct work contexts: daycare centers and within elementary schools, each in either the public or private sector. We find that these different school organizational contexts shape what kinds of identity challenges early childhood teachers experience. Different organizational contexts not only subject teachers to different threats to their work-related identity but also have different potential identity resources embedded within them that teachers can use on their own behalf. Thus, while all the early childhood educators in our sample struggle with being employed within a devalued occupation, the identity strategies they have developed to protect their self-worth vary across employment contexts. We show that the strategies these interactive service workers use to solve identity-related problems of dignity at work involve the creative conversion of constraints they face at work into resources that help them achieve valued work identities.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of leadership on student achievement and sustained school success, especially in challenging, high‐poverty schools.

The paper combines a review of the leadership literature with findings drawn from longitudinal studies of the International Successful School Principalship Project (ISSPP).

Direction setting, developing people and redesigning the organization were practices common to successful principals in all contexts, including those in challenging, high‐poverty schools. How these practices manifested varied in relation to national context and tradition. Distributed teacher leadership and professional self‐renewal emerged as processes central to sustaining success, and, in at least one US case, a change in organizational governance was necessary to allow these processes to continue over time.

The paper adds to the literature on leadership effects on student achievement and sustaining school success, especially in challenging high‐poverty schools.