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Are there different determinants in the fight against corruption across African countries? Why are some countries more effective at battling corruption than others? To assess these concerns this paper aims to examine the determinants of corruption control throughout the conditional distribution of the fight against corruption using panel data from 46 African countries for the period 2002‐2010.

The panel quantile regression technique enables us to investigate if the relationship between corruption control and the exogenous variables differs throughout the distribution of the fight against corruption.

Results could be summarized in the following. Greater economic prosperity leads to less corruption control and the magnitude of the effect is more important in countries where the fight against corruption is high. Regulation quality seems bimodal, with less positive effects in the tails: among the best and least fighters of corruption. There is support for a less negative consequence of population growth in countries that are already taking the fight against corruption seriously in comparison to those that are lax on the issue. Findings on democracy broadly indicate the democratization process increases the fight against corruption with a greater magnitude at higher quantiles: countries that are already taking the fight seriously. The relevance of voice and accountability in the battle against corruption decreases as corruption control is taken more seriously by the powers that be. Good governance dynamics of political stability, government effectiveness and the rule of law gain more importance in the fight against corruption when existing levels of corruption control are already high.

The results of this study suggest that the determinants of corruption control respond differently across the corruption‐control distribution. This implies some current corruption‐control policies may be reconsidered, especially among the most corrupt and least corrupt African nations. As a policy implication, the fight against corruption should not be postponed; doing so will only reduce the effectiveness of policies in the future. The rewards of institutional reforms are more positive in countries that are already seriously engaged in the corruption fight.

This paper contributes to existing literature on the determinants of corruption by focusing on the distribution of the dependent variable (control of corruption). It is likely that good and poor corruption fighters respond differently to factors that influence the fight against corruption. There are subtle institutional differences between corrupt and clean nations that may affect corruption‐control determinants and government efficacy in the fight against corruption.

The purpose of this paper is to study the administrative and legal mechanisms of combating corruption, namely, to determine the means by which it is possible to develop a positive experience in the fight against corruption.

Among the methods used to study the problems of the stated subject, the dialectical, comparative-legal, systems, historical and legal, formal and legal, analysis and synthesis can be distinguished.

The authors investigated the experience of foreign countries in combating corruption and suggested implementing international experience in national legislation for the successful fight against corruption. In the course of the study, the current state of legal regulations governing anti-corruption activities was characterised, corruption and the main reasons for committing corruption acts were investigated, the problems that arise in the fight against corruption were identified, the main administrative and legal mechanisms for combating corruption were established and the effectiveness of applying these mechanisms in practice was studied.

The provisions that are enshrined in this paper are of practical value for individuals whose activities are aimed at fighting corruption, as Ukraine is one of the states where corruption flourishes and where the fight against corruption has not been directly implemented in practice for many years.

Based on the example of international experience in the fight against corruption, proposals and recommendations for improving administrative and legal mechanisms for combating corruption have been developed.

The purpose of this paper is to offer anti‐corruption experts' personal assessments of the progress international organizations have made in fighting corruption.

This paper contains a survey of the viewpoints of a number of anti‐corruption experts who themselves are current or former staff of international organizations, or who – from their positions within the private sector or in non‐governmental organizations – are able to offer a unique and distanced perspective on the key corruption‐related issues and challenges facing international organizations today.

It is agreed that international organizations today are at a cross‐roads in their individual and collective fight against corruption. International organizations must weather the corruption scandals that have recently plagued several organizations, and must confront the question of whether their staffs, boards, and member governments indeed have the ability, will, and commitment to fight corruption. To address these challenges, international organizations must adopt proactive investigative strategies when combating corruption, seek greater cooperation with each other, and must ensure that their respective investigation units have the necessary resources and independence to effectively detect, investigate, and prevent corruption.

The paper offers a realistic prognosis on the future of the anti‐corruption movement within and among international organizations.

Past studies on corruption and anticorruption efforts in Africa lacked the systemic perspective. Yet, efforts of a constellation of state and non - state anticorruption institutions tends to yield not less but more corruption. Focusing on Cameroon (West Africa), this study is a holistic attempt at an institutional appraisal of the scope and effectiveness of the anticorruption system. It is based on a thorough description and a critical analysis of essential structures, functions and processes of the system, with an emphasis on their missions, goals, activities, structures as well as their actual outcomes and limitations. The researcher suggests that, because of the numerous structural and functional weaknesses, Cameroon’s anticorruption system has failed. Clear suggestions for effective reform of the system and rapid corruption minimization are made.

This study aims to examine the participation of the Parliament of Tanzania in the fight against corruption in the country.

A desk-based research approach based on the review of documents and legal instruments was used.

The results of this study show that the Parliament of Tanzania has a chequered performance in fighting corruption. While it has passed several anti-corruption-related laws and in some respects succeeded to hold a few government officials accountable for the abuse of public office, there is little evidence to demonstrate its contribution at fighting this conundrum. Factors contributing to this deficiency include irresponsiveness to corruption allegations involving Members of Parliament, parliament’s remote oversight of the anti-corruption agency and shrinking democratic space in the parliament.

Tanzania has relatively high corruption levels. The country’s Development Vision 2025 envisages a nation free of corruption. Hence, efforts are needed from public and private sectors to overcome this conundrum. The parliament holds a special place in that fight. Through its representation, legislative and oversight roles and powers, parliament has a wider opportunity to strengthen anti-corruption in the country. This study shows that the Parliament of Tanzania has not been very effective in that regard. It offers suggestions to strengthen the parliament’s position and engagement to fight corruption.

There is scanty literature on the role of the Parliament of Tanzania in fighting corruption. This study is seminal, as it investigates the Tanzanian anti-corruption arsenal from a crucial organ that is vested with constitutional powers to make laws and oversee the executive and its agencies.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the disclosure of information on the fight against corruption in the sustainability reports of Portuguese companies.

Anti-corruption disclosure in the sustainability reports for 2009 of Portuguese firms, published on the website of the Portugal’s Business Council for Sustainability Development, is analysed. Three hypotheses are tested about associations between such disclosure and firm-specific variables.

Companies with a high visibility in terms of risk of corruption (companies in sectors with higher risk and government-owned companies) and companies that engage in association with the United Nations Global Compact seem to exhibit greater concern to improve the corporate image through disclosure.

There may be content analysis issues associated with subjectivity in the coding process and the use of a limited content analysis method.

This paper adds to the scarce research on the fight against corruption in corporate social responsibility and the reporting thereof by providing new empirical data.

The media is described as a fourth estate of the realm due to its ability to frame and shape discussions on governance and provide a stimulus for fighting corruption. But is the media really an effective tool for fighting corruption? This question arises due to the possibility of the media being used for propaganda, biased reporting and media owners’ and journalists’ engagement in corruption. The current study addresses the question by exploring the relationship between the media and corruption from the perspectives of Ghanaian justice and anti-corruption officials.

The study adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing justice and anti-corruption officials across three administrative regions in Ghana.

The results show that while justice officials describe the media as a medium for accusing officials unjustifiably and exaggerating the scale of corruption, anti-corruption officials believe the media helps to fight corruption. In addition to uncovering and exposing public officials’ corruption, the media is also a double-edged sword characterised by intra-vigilance: the media hold “their own” (i.e. journalists fighting corruption) accountable through criticism and exposure of wrongdoings.

The double-edged nature of the media can strengthen and enhance the fight against corruption because anti-corruption actors and journalists will be cautious as misjudgements or errors committed will not be overlooked or concealed by the media. Therefore, anti-corruption agencies in Ghana can collaborate with the media to uncover and expose corruption committed by public officials and even journalists or media owners.

This study is the first in Ghana to explore the relationship between the media and corruption from the perspectives of justice and anti-corruption officials. The approach, frameworks and methodology adopted in this study can be applied in similar studies in other countries on the African continent and beyond.

Corruption is a serious problem in Southeast Asian countries. Based on the average ranking of Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Malaysia is ranked as the second least corrupt country among Southeast Asian countries. However, this country is still facing problems in its fight against corruption, in which efforts undertaken to prevent corruption have been said to be “unsatisfactory.” The purpose of this paper is hence to examine previous literature for the possible factors affecting the success of anti-corruption efforts in Malaysia.

This study analyzes previous studies conducted on Malaysia’s experiences in its fight against corruption.

The findings of this paper indicate four attributes that lead to the failure of anti-corruption efforts in Malaysia.

This paper will be useful for scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in Malaysia’s experiences in fighting corruption.

The primary aim of this chapter is to offer an overview of corruption and state capture in Albanian public administration and to describe the solutions adopted to fight corruption by the government since 1998. Conflict of interest is a new aspect of concern in the policy agendas. OECD countries have recently adopted some guidelines for managing the phenomenon, which will be then transferred to eastern European countries. Given this novelty, this chapter does not deal directly with conflict of interest situations. Corruption is rarely treated as a management problem, in part because for obvious reasons as data are scarce and also because the literature is thin and tentative, with few theoretical frameworks. Also rare is analysis of how corruption has been or might be reduced. The state of research on corruption is such that there is little inductive theory or statistical evidence about the kinds of policies that work under particular conditions.