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The purpose of this study is to investigate the gender and ethnic diversity–performance relationship in Malaysia from two angles: (1) the impact of political regimes; and (2) a possible nonlinear relationship – at the boardroom and employee level.

This study uses a sample of firms listed in Bursa Malaysia during a sample period that spans two political regimes. Two-stage least squares controlling for firm-specific effects, corporate governance and lagged variables to account for endogeneity issues is used to test the relationship.

Findings show that the political alignment of the ruling government affects the significance of the gender/ethnic diversity–performance relationship. The relationship between board gender/ethnic diversity and firm performance is curvilinear while the relationship between employee gender/ethnic diversity is linear and positive.

First, promoting gender/ethnic diversity not only requires strong policy but also political will to lead by example. Political regimes that provide lip-service without effective implementation threaten to derail any efforts in furthering the diversity agenda. Second, the presumption of a linear diversity–performance relationship is fallacious. Further studies, especially in pluralistic societies, must not discount the subtleties of intergroup conflicts. Third, in light of allegations of prejudicial hiring policies, Malaysian firms should embrace diversity, not only in the boardroom, but also among its workforce as employee diversity improves firm performance.

Prior studies on gender/ethnic diversity in Malaysia have returned mixed results but thus far, there has been no satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. This study attributes it to lack of political will and cultural subgroup conflicts – two pertinent issues that were never considered in the literature. Prior studies have also exclusively focused on boardroom diversity. This study goes further by examining employee diversity – particularly important since most empowerment and diversity initiatives are targeted at lower level employees. This study is also the first to provide an objective benchmark for gender diversity (30–35% female directors) and ethnic diversity (less than 40% from one ethnicity) to achieve optimal performance.

Conflicts between herders and farmers in Nigeria in the last five years have been destructive to the corporate existence of Nigerian society and the Nigerian State, especially in Northcentral, Northwestern and Southern Nigeria. This paper aims to investigate the relationships between state responses and peace-building in rural grazing communities in Nigeria using a National Survey on Peace-building in Nigeria conducted by this team using a cross-sectional survey of 1,711 farmers and herders.

The study adopted the political economy of the herder–farmers conflict in Africa to contextualise the problem. Data generated from the study were analysed using chi-square test and binary logistic regression model.

The results showed that protection of victims of herder–farmers conflict (P = 0.024), blockage of sources of illicit weapons (P = 0.000), arrest of leaders (P = 0.043), provision of shelter (P = 0.030), provision of food (P = 0.037), protection of women from sexual exploitation and abuse (P = 0.019) and use of the media were positively related to peace-building in the rural grazing areas. The study further found that when the Federal Government (ß= 0.452, P = 0.018), State Government (ß= 0.522, P = 0.018), private individuals (ß = 0.855, P = 0.000) and cooperative societies (ß = 0.744, P = 0.021) established ranches, peace was likely to be guaranteed as opposed to where herders (ß= –0.355, P= 0.029) were allowed to establish ranches in the rural grazing communities in Nigeria implying that the Federal and State Government must be cautious in the implementation of the Livestock Transformation Plans not to create an impression that it is designed to favour the herders.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is original and the paper has not been submitted to any journal.

The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of polarisation on trust in government.

The authors use the ordered probit technique to model trust as a function of polarisation and various control variables. The authors apply the instrumental variables approach to address potential endogeneity in polarisation, using ethnic diversity as an instrument.

The results reveal that an increase in polarisation reduces trust in central government. However, trust in local government is non-responsive to this polarisation. The estimations controlled for government performance, and the authors found a positive association between government performance and trust in government, which, however, does not alter the relationship between polarisation and trust in government.

In ethnically polarised nations, policymakers should consider decentralisation measures. This can help sustain trust and development support, particularly in regions where citizens prioritise ethnicity over nationality.

The social implications of this research underscore the importance of promoting trust in government to foster social cohesion and stability, particularly in ethnically diverse societies.

The authors find that increased ethnic polarisation reduces trust in the central government, particularly among those prioritising their ethnicity over nationality. This adds a non-performance dimension to government trust literature, suggesting that policies focusing solely on performance may yield limited results. The research extends beyond central government trust to include local governments. Unlike central government, local government trust remains tied to performance attributes unaffected by polarisation. Hence, investing resources through local governments is a viable strategy for enhancing citizen support while mitigating polarisation’s adverse effects.

The paper aims to examine the influence of urban violence on residential property rental value in Kaduna metropolis. This is motivated by the spate of insurgency and the attendant destructions of land and properties in the past few years in the study area.

This paper adopted a survey of key sites of urban violence and also a total enumeration of all the 67-estate surveying and valuation firms in the study area to elicit from them vital information on trends on rental from 2011 to 2019. The data obtained were analyzed using both descriptive and inferential methods of statistical analysis.

The result of this study revealed that among other sources of urban violence, violence fueled by ethnic affiliations/convictions is the only significant factor that influenced rental value of residential property in the study area. The regression analysis shows that ethnic violence accounted for 21.6% of the variability observed in residential property rental value over the period of study. Furthermore, the correlation result showed that ethnic violence is negatively correlated (−0.458) and significantly related to residential property rental value.

This study concluded that the emergence of urban violence in Kaduna metropolis contributed to a fall in the rental value of residential property in the study area. This study thus suggested policy directions that could engender harmonious coexistence among different ethnic groups in the study area.

This study is expected to enhance improvement in residential property rental value in Kaduna metropolis through increase assurance to security of lives and property.

This paper aims to fill gap in the literature and explore policy options for resolving the problems of accountability by framing three research questions. The research questions are (i) whether certain elements of Scott’s (2014) institutional pillars attenuate (accentuate) corporate and public accountability; (ii) whether the presence of ruling party-affiliated enterprises (RPAEs) create an increase (decrease) in the degree of corporate (public) accountability; and (iii) whether there is a particular form of ownership change that transforms RPAEs into public investment companies.

Using a qualitative research methodology that involves term frequency and thematic analysis of publicly available textual information, the paper examines Mechkova et al.’s (2019 forms of government accountability. The paper analyzes the gaps between the de jure and de facto accountability using the institutional pillars framework.

The findings of the paper are three. First, there are gaps between de jure and de facto in all three (vertical, horizontal and diagonal) forms of government (public) accountability. Second, the study finds that more than three fourth of the parties that contested the June 2021 election did have regional focus. They did not advocate for accountability. Third, Ethiopia’s RPAEs are unique. They have regional focus and are characterized by severe forms of agency and information asymmetry problems.

The main limitation of the paper is its exploratory nature. Extending this research by using cross-country data could provide a more complete picture of the link between corporate (public) accountability and a country’s institutional pillars.

Academic research documents that instilling modern corporate (public) governance standards in the Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) region has shown mixed results. The analysis made in this paper is likely to inform researchers and policymakers about the type of change that leads to better corporate (and public) accountability outcomes.

The institutional change proposed in the paper is likely to advance the public interest by mitigating agency and information asymmetry problems and enhancing government accountability. The changes make the enterprises investable, save scarce jobs, enhance diversity and put the assets in RPAEs to better use.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first paper that uses the institutional pillars analytical framework to examine an SSA country's corporate (public) accountability problem. It demonstrates that accountability is a domestic and a (novel) traveling theory. The paper identifies the complexity of resolving the interlock between political institutions and business enterprises. It theorizes that it is impossible to instill modern corporate (public) accountability standards without changing regulatory, normative and cultural cognitive pillars of institutions. The paper contributes to the change management and public interest literature.

The study examines the prevalence and correlates of perceived discrimination across ten Asian American ethnic groups. The goal is to disaggregate an artificially created broad categorization of Asians into subgroups to reveal the existing intragroup differences.

Bivariate and multivariate analyses were based on data from the 2016 National Asian American Survey (NAAS). The exclusion of missing data on all variables used in the analysis revealed a final analytical sample size of 4,276.

Compared to all other Asian American ethnic groups, Cambodians report the lowest frequency of perceived discrimination on all outcome measures. On the contrary, the prevalence of perceived discrimination is highest for Bangladeshis and Indians on lifetime and job-related discrimination and for Indians and Japanese on day-to-day discrimination. Nearly all Asian American ethnic groups are more likely to report one or more types of perceived discrimination than Chinese Americans. The observed relationships disappear for Cambodians, Pakistanis and Japanese but persist for Bangladeshis, Filipinos, Hmong and Indians after controlling for socio-demographic characteristics. Among the socio-demographic controls, gender, birthplace, education and employment status are found to be significant predictors of perceived discrimination.

The findings of the study further the discussion on the importance of disaggregating minority groups and considering their heterogeneous experiences of perceptions of discrimination in the United States.

This paper argues for the need to use multiple sources and methods that respond to research challenges presented by new forms of war. There are methodological constraints and contention on the superiority given to positivist and interpretivist research designs when doing fieldwork in war situations, hence there is a need to use integrated data generation techniques. The combined effect of severe limitations of movement for both the researcher and researched fragmented data because of polarized views about the causes of the war and unpredictable events that make information hard to come by militate against systematic, organised and robust data generation. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to make fieldwork researchers understand significant research problems unique to war zones.

This research was guided by the postmodernist mode of thought which challenges standardised research traditions. Fieldwork experiences in Cabo suggest the need to use the composite strategies that rely on the theoretical foundation of integrative and creative collection of data when doing research in violent settings.

The fieldwork experiences showed that the standardised, conventional and valorised positivist and ethnographic research strategies may not sufficiently facilitate understanding of the dynamics of war. There should not be firm rules, guidelines or regulations governing the actions of the researcher in conflict. As such, doing research in violent settings require reflexivity, flexibility and creativity in research strategies that respond to rapid changes. Research experiences in Mozambique show the need to use blended methods that include even less structured methodologies.

Fieldwork experiences in Cabo challenges researchers who cling to standardised research traditions which often hamper awareness of new postmodernist mode of thought applicable to war settings. It is essential to study the nature of African armed conflicts by combining creativity and flexibility in the selection of research strategies.

This paper aims to unveil the general nature of virtual chat groups in multi-ethnic societies like Nigeria towards knowing whether and how diversity inclusiveness codes of conduct are encouraged and managed among virtual chat group participants.

Data in this research was collected via five virtual focus groups of five to eight discussants each and was complemented by virtual field surveys. Responses were validated through verification of registered personal mobile phone numbers. Each design was implemented to cover Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. The research was broadly framed – according to the uses and gratification theory, social inclusion hypothesis and utilitarian theory of ethics.

The research shows how virtual chat groups can enhance understanding of diversities. However, virtual chat-group outcomes are better managed if anticipated gratifications are predictable and based on the utilization of stated conduct codes.

Given Nigeria’s vast population, the sample size for this study is not adequate nor systematic enough towards generalizations. However, the diverse background of focus group discussants enhances the vista for understanding inclusive virtual chats in diverse societies. Moreover, the instruments of research data collection were validated.

This research points out that virtual chat groups’ codes of conduct are most effective when participants can anticipate collective gratifications. However, firmness and fairness in the implementation of code of conduct principles are essential for long-term virtual group chat sustenance.

Code of conduct principles are essential for the long-term virtual chat group sustenance. When this is achieved, some of the social problems of Nigeria may be solved, and the social, ethnic and religious differences may not hinder the proper development of the country.

The research exposes the nature and role of virtual chat group communication inclusivity codes of conduct amidst participants’ demographic diversity.

This study aims to deepen the understanding of the challenges and implications entailed by deploying mobile clinics in conflict zones to reach populations affected by violence and cut off from health-care services.

This research combines an integrated literature review and an instrumental case study. The literature review comprises two targeted reviews to provide insights: one on conflict zones and one on mobile clinics. The case study describes the process and challenges faced throughout a mobile clinic deployment during and after the Iraq War. The data was gathered using mixed methods over a two-year period (2017–2018).

Armed conflicts directly impact the populations’ health and access to health care. Mobile clinic deployments are often used and recommended to provide health-care access to vulnerable populations cut off from health-care services. However, there is a dearth of peer-reviewed literature documenting decision support tools for mobile clinic deployments.

This study highlights the gaps in the literature and provides direction for future research to support the development of valuable insights and decision support tools for practitioners.

The paper aims to investigate the impact of political connections and board ethnicity on the value relevance of earnings and book value in Mauritius.

This study is based on a sample of 541 Mauritian-listed firm-year observations for 2001–2016. Financial and board diversity data have been collected using the listed firms’ annual reports and from reports published by the Stock Exchange of Mauritius. Political connection data was derived from the directory of Chief of State and Cabinet members. The research hypotheses were empirically tested using a modified Ohlson (1995) price model.

This study shows that political connections negatively impact the value relevance of earnings and book value. The authors find that firms with Franco-Mauritian directors will constrain political connections’ negative impact. The authors find contrasting results for Indo-Mauritian directors since they form an integral part of the government in Mauritius.

This study contributes to the scarce accounting literature in Mauritius. Firstly, no study has investigated the relationship between the value relevance of accounting information and political connections in Mauritius. Secondly, Mauritius’s capital market is dominated by a non-indigenous ethnic group, Franco-Mauritians, who remain the economic elite. Hence, Mauritius presents an opportunity to bring forth another important aspect in the capital market and corporate governance; diversity on the board of directors. Therefore, the study extends to the political connections and board diversity literature.