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Purpose – This paper is aimed at describing semantics equivalence of cultural terms in meurukon texts translated from Acehnese into Indonesian. A qualitative descriptive approach is used to analyze the context of semantics equivalence in these texts: varied semantics structure, especially the ones caused by the cultural gap between the two languages.

Design/Methodology/Approach – This research is designed to be of qualitative descriptive nature, wherein data are documented and analyzed using various methods proposed by Miles, Huberman, and Saldana (2014), such as data condensation, data display, drawing and verifying conclusions. The researcher is considered the key instrument in the whole process. The source of the data collected is from meurukon texts and its translation that consists of 623 sentences: they mainly comprise words and phrases that contain semantics equivalence of cultural terms.

Findings – The result of the research shows that there are 129 cultural terms found in 623 sentences. Of the analyzed data, it is seen that only 16.66% of the data is not equivalent with the target text, while 83.34% words and phrases of meurukon text are equivalent. This suggests that as a result of translation, the meurukon text has high semantics or lexical equivalences with the target text.

Research Limitations/Implications – This research is focused on semantics equivalence found in meurukon texts. The semantic equivalence here only pertains to lexical meaning of nouns and adjectives by using componential analysis.

Practical Implications – The result can be used in a sample of ways for the analysis of semantics equivalence of cultural terms in meurukon text translated from Acehnese into Indonesian using componential analysis.

Originality/Value – This research identifies meurukon as an oral tradition of Acehnese culture, which is in the question and answer format about Islamic law in Aceh, specifically North Aceh.

This paper examines the impact on German personal income distribution of income-dependent (variable) equivalence scales. The use of variable equivalence scales causes distinctive increases in income inequality compared with income-independent, constant equivalence scales. The narrowing of income limits between the upper and lower income regions also leads to an increase in income inequality.

The chapter estimates the cost of maintaining a child, at different ages, the cost of being single, and the cost of additional adults present in a family, with the aim of making comparable the income levels of different households. The study investigates the issue of econometric identification of equivalence scales within a demand system modified to include demographic characteristics consistently with economic theory. It shows that a robust estimation of equivalence scales must take into formal consideration the problem of econometric identification. The estimate also puts forward all-encompassing demographic specifications to identify costs due to differences in needs, household lifestyles, and economies of scale.

Equivalence scales are deflators (or “scales”) by which the incomes of different household types can be converted to a comparable, needs-adjusted basis. They are measures of intra-household sharing potentials and differences in family members’ needs (i.e., of adults vs. children). One strand of literature uses econometric approaches to derive equivalence scales from household expenditure and time-use data. Another strand uses survey responses of people to quantify equivalence scales directly. Equivalence scales are potentially useful in several areas such as welfare-system design, income taxation, measurement of poverty and inequality, and determining lost earnings damages. This chapter surveys the literature on equivalence scales and presents some applications.

Economic globalization is leading large companies to focus on international strategic management. Nowadays, the assets referred to as “corporate intangibles,” such as corporate reputation, are becoming increasingly important because they are considered a key factor for the viability of an organization, and companies therefore need to incorporate them into their scorecards for management. The problem is that their measurement is subjective and latent. These two characteristics impede direct international comparison and require demonstrating the accuracy of comparison via a minimum of two tests – construct equivalence and metric equivalence. As regards corporate reputation, construct equivalence was verified by Naomi Gardberg (2006). However, the subsequent studies did not address metric equivalence. Based on the results of a survey provided by the Reputation Institute (n = 5,950, 50 firms evaluated in 17 countries in the Americas, Europe, Asia and Australia), the degree of RepTrak metric equivalence has been tested, using two different methodologies, multigroup analysis (structural equation model), and a new technique from 2016, the Measurement Invariance of Composite Model procedure from the Partial Least Square Path Modeling family. As one would expect from other cross-cultural studies, reputation metrics do not meet the full metric equivalence, which is why they require standardization processes to ensure international comparability. Both methodologies have identified the same correction parameters, which have allowed validation of the mean and variance of response style by country.

Measures are comparable if and only if measurement equivalence has been demonstrated. Although comparability and equivalence of measures are sometimes used interchangeably, we advocate a subtle but important difference in meaning. Comparability implies that measures from one group can be compared with measures from another group. It is a property of the measures, which is given or not. In particular, comparability presumes valid measures within each group compared. Measurement equivalence, by contrast, refers to the way measures are derived and estimated. It is intrinsically tied to the underlying theory of measurement. Thus, measurement equivalence cannot be dealt with in isolation. Its assessment has to be incorporated into the theoretical framework of measurement. Measurement equivalence is closely connected to construct validity for it refers to the way manifest indicators are related to the latent variable, within a particular culture and across different cultures. From this it follows that equivalence cannot, or should not, be treated as a separate issue but as a constitutive element of validity. A discussion of measurement equivalence without addressing validity would be incomplete.

We investigate the relationship between the notion of progressive taxation and inequality reduction under a general version of the concept of inequality equivalence. We consider a two-parameter formalization of the concept of inequality equivalence that both includes, as special cases, the intermediate inequality equivalence and the path-independent/unit-consistent inequality equivalence. Both criteria could range from relative to absolute inequality views as the parameters in the formulation change. For the path-independent/unit-consistent inequality equivalence the condition of nondecreasing average tax rate is necessary and sufficient to guarantee the inequality-reducing effect of taxation for all the inequality views in between the relative and the absolute.

Building on an analysis of values and prices in the context of explicitly heterogeneous concrete labors, this paper formally examines Marx’s repeated imagery of capitalist competition as a process of “sharing” among “hostile brothers,” each a “shareholder” in a “social enterprise” in which particular commodities and capitals appear as “aliquot parts of the whole.” Approaching each commodity as it appears in competition – as the product of an aliquot part of the aggregate inputs to production – allows several conclusions. First, value-price transformation is equivalent to a transformation of actual production conditions (on the basis of which the social labor contained in the commodity is its value) into socially average or aliquot part production conditions (on the basis of which the social labor contained in the commodity is its production price). Second, price formation (“gravitational” adjustment to levels expressing equivalence) is the same thing as the formation of abstract labor as the homogeneous unit of measure for the labor content of commodities. Each is an aspect of a single process that simultaneously commensurates use-values as market equivalents and commensurates concrete labors as abstract labor, so that equivalents in exchange do indeed “contain” equal amounts of abstract labor. Third, concerning commodity fetishism and the “illusions” of competition, the social content of particular magnitudes becomes visible when each is represented as a “bearer” of crucial characteristics of the aggregate that have been projected onto its parts, so that what initially appears as separate, particular and individual is simultaneously connected, general, and social.

This chapter offers a template for examining the rigor and validity ideals in international business survey research. It provides (1) observations on how research-quality checks are currently used, and (2) recommendations about prerequisites for their use. These recommendations are based on the idea that the ideal of rigor and validity is not absolute and cannot be achieved by ad-hoc checks. We argue that there must be certain linkages and progression in attempting higher quality in survey research. We propose a hierarchy of stipulations to strive for highest validity and rigor goal, which we entitle commensurability. As such, this framework outlines the different steps which need to be examined progressively to approach commensurability.

Dominance techniques are used to analyze and rank inequality, welfare, and poverty across regions in Thailand in the 1990s. Inference-based dominance methods are applied to consumption expenditure microdata from the Household Socio-Economic Surveys (SES) of 1992, 1994, 1996, 1998 and 2000. Attention is focused on the period immediately before and after the economic contraction of 1996–1997. Lorenz dominance is employed to assess inequality, while first-order Engel food share dominance is applied to rank welfare across time and among regions. Poverty is evaluated by comparing truncated food-share quantile functions. The evidence reveals that the economic crisis in 1997 seems to affect inequality in Bangkok (the richest region) more than the Northeast (the poorest region), and most dramatic changes occur in the North and South. Welfare in Bangkok is unambiguously higher than in other regions before and after economic contraction. In fact, the great economic contraction changes the rankings of economic well-being and poverty only in the North, South, and Northeast.