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The purpose of this paper is to apply a consensus‐based definition of the adult‐learning theory of andragogy to police probationer training in England and Wales and to identify whether the requisite learning outcomes, when aligned to a community‐oriented policing strategy, are adequately addressed by the current police training methodology.

The reasons behind the new approach to police probationer training are identified with reference to British government literature. Proposed revisions to the structure of the training regime are identified, taking cognizance of the community‐oriented neighborhood‐policing strategy advocated by the British government. Six criteria of a consensus‐based definition of the theory of andragogy are applied to the police model of training to establish whether or not it conforms to true andragogical principles. Furthermore, the proposals for a revised probationer program are examined to identify whether the training methodology and curriculum content will adequately prepare students as neighborhood police officers.

It is apparent that only marginal adherence to the principles of andragogy is observed in police probationer training in England and Wales, which could in turn render any expectations of this methodology unfounded. It is also highly unlikely that true andragogy is attainable within any professional development arena. Furthermore, the proposals for a new probationer‐training program and the methodology employed in police training do not accord with the neighborhood‐policing philosophy for the future.

The paper identifies reasons why police training in England and Wales cannot claim to be andragogical, and why the new training regime and delivery methodology will not address the specific skills required by neighborhood police officers. It is, however, acknowledged that both andragogy and pedagogy can be complementary and will support the learning requirements of neighborhood policing if they are applied appropriately.

Infanticide stands out as a crime which, in England and Wales, has been marked for at least 200 years by deep-rooted continuities in its representation and treatment by both the criminal justice system and the media, despite the massive political, economic, social, legislative and cultural changes that occurred over this period. Particularly remarkable about this long-standing discourse is its routine emphasis that the guilty mother is also a victim of tragic circumstances that led to the crime and deserving of sympathetic treatment. It also invariably sets infanticide apart as a ‘special case’ which does not necessarily fit with either medical or legal definitions of diminished criminal responsibility. Perhaps surprisingly, this framing of women who commit infanticide stresses not only their ‘normality’ prior to the offence but also their ‘respectability’, a sharp contrast to the sometimes overtly misogynistic representation of other types of women offenders. This chapter argues that it is above all ‘respectability’ that profoundly shaped the cultural script relating to infanticide in England and Wales between 1800 and 2000, and that this continues to exert a powerful legacy on the relatively small number of cases that now comes before the courts in the twenty-first century.

Genealogical research is like solving a mystery: it helps if you are a mystery buff. In doing genealogical research, one recognizes the need to solve a problem, decides what might bring the solution, then follows the clues to the end.

The purpose of this paper is to consider the rationale behind the approaches to organised crime in criminal law to understand the basis of the law on conspiracy in England and Wales and why this country has refused to amend conspiracy in favour of a membership offence or a criminal enterprise model, similar to the USA’s offences.

The analysis is based on a legal comparison between the law of conspiracy in England and Wales and the USA’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) statute, as example of best practice targeting criminal enterprises. The legal comparison is also substantiated by case law examples and interviewees with prosecutors and lawyers collected both in London and in New York City.

After briefly describing how the two systems (English and American) are intended to work, the paper will develop a discussion on the difficulties and advantages of introducing a RICO-style legislation in England and Wales and shall conclude that it is the way organised crime is socially perceived in the English/British scenario that justifies the choice to remain on the level of conspiracy and not move towards membership/enterprise offences.

This study shall be primarily intended as an opportunity to assess the criminal law tools in the fight against organised crime available in England and Wales. The comparative side of this research, the RICO statute, would require more attention which this paper cannot give for reasons of brevity. Therefore, the study is a preliminary study in comparative criminal law.

The central idea of this work is to suggest that differences in criminal law are based on different perceptions of the wrongfulness of the offending. For the law to change in favour of a criminal enterprise offence in England and Wales, there is a need to reshape the wrongfulness of organised crime. A study into the wrongfulness of organised crime as a criminal offence, with a comparative outlook, has never been conducted before in England and Wales.

Geographic diversity is a fundamental tenet in portfolio management. Yet there is evidence from the USA that institutional investors prefer to concentrate their real estate investments in favoured and specific areas as primary locations for the properties in their portfolios. Work done in the UK, focusing on the office sector, has drawn similar conclusions. The present paper seeks to examine the extent of real estate investment concentration in institutional Retail portfolios in the UK at two points in time; 1998 and 2003, and to present some comparisons with equivalent concentrations in the Office sector.

To examine this issue two datasets are used at two dates, 1998 and 2003. The analysis is confined to England and Wales because of data considerations relating to the availability of comparable data for the rest of the UK. The first dataset relates to floor space and rateable value statistics for the so‐called “bulk classes” of commercial property at Unitary Authority and District (local authority area, LA) level. The more specific institutional real estate investment data for the study come from the IPD analysis “UK Local Markets”. This provides a detailed view of the performance of institutional real estate investment, by sector, in a number of localities across the UK. For the purposes of this study, IPD made data available showing (but with much less detail) other LAs where the number of properties held was greater than zero, but fewer than the four required normally for disclosure. The approach taken is to map the basic data and the results from a standardising measure of spatial concentration – the Location Quotient.

The findings indicate that retail investment correlates more closely with the UK urban hierarchy than that for offices when measured against employment, and is focused on urban areas with high populations and large population densities which have larger numbers of retail units in which to invest.

Using data sets that account for the entire “population” of observations at these two dates the paper demonstrates the relationships between economic theory and the market performance of the sector. The comparisons with the Office sector also show the differences that would be expected between the sectors, emphasising the point that these markets are dynamic and that their structure, form and content can change dramatically even over quite short periods.

The purpose of this paper is to compare data from national censuses on specialist inpatient service use by people with learning disabilities across England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

National statistics (England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland) reporting inpatient service censuses including people with learning disabilities were accessed, with data extracted on trends over time, rate of service use, young people and length of stay.

The number and rate of people with learning disabilities in specialist inpatient services varied across the UK: 230 people in Scotland (rate 4.88 per 100,000 population); 3,250 people in England (5.48); 183 people in Wales (5.90); 144 people in Northern Ireland (7.82). The number of people in inpatient services in Northern Ireland halved over four years, in other areas reductions were modest. Between 5 and 8 per cent of people in inpatient services were children/young people. Median length of stay in the person’s current inpatient service varied: 19 months in England; 33 months in Scotland; three to five years in Northern Ireland.

Different parts of the UK vary in the scale of their specialist inpatient services for people with learning disabilities. With the exception of Northern Ireland, which may still be in the last stages of completing a “regular” deinstitutionalisation programme, strong policy prescriptions for substantial reductions in specialist inpatient services are currently only resulting in modest reductions.

This paper is a first attempt to compare national inpatient service statistics across the UK. With increasing divergence of health and social service systems, further comparative analyses of services for people with learning disabilities are needed.

This chapter aims to provide a critical analysis of special needs education within the United Kingdom today. Central to such an analysis is an understanding of the rapidly changing social and political milieu within which special needs education is embedded, including the rapidly changing demographics of schooling, and the devolution of political power into four separate but linked countries – England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. Following a discussion of such wider social, political and educational issues, the authors explore the convergences and divergences in policy and practice across the four devolved administrations. The authors describe a plethora of contemporary policy developments within each of the four administrations that speak to the need for special needs education to change in response to 21st century concerns about the problems of access to, and equity in, education for all children. Despite this, the authors remain extremely circumspect about the potential of many of these developments to lead to successful inclusive practices and developments on the ground – and explain why. The analysis in the concluding section focuses on the issue of teacher education for inclusion and some very innovate UK research and development projects that have been reported to successfully engage teachers with new paradigm thinking and practice in the field of inclusive special needs education.

The purpose of this paper is to report on the content of local policies on engagement and observation written by National Health Service (NHS) organisations in England and Wales.

Engagement and observation policies were obtained from all (n = 61) NHS mental health trusts in England and health boards in Wales via a Freedom of Information Act 2000 request. Data were analysed using content analysis.

All organisations had a specific policy referring to either “observation and engagement” or “observation”. The policies varied considerably in quality, length, breadth and depth of the information provided. Significant variations existed in the terminology used to describe the different types of enhanced observation. Inconsistencies were also noted between organisations regarding: which members of the clinical team could initiate, increase, decrease and terminate observation; who could undertake the intervention (for example students); and the reasons for using it. Finally, despite rhetoric to the contrary, the emphasis of policies was on observation and not engagement.

This research has demonstrated the value of examining local policies for identifying inconsistencies in guidance given to practitioners on the implementation of engagement and observation. Further research should be undertaken to explore the impact of local policies on practice.

Local policies remain variable in content and quality and do not reflect contemporary research. There is a need to produce evidence-based national standards that organisations are required to comply with.

To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is the first research in 20 years examining the local policy framework for the implementation of engagement and observation.

In New South Wales the bitter religious differences of the early nineteenth century combined with the Influence of Liberalism willed for the establishment of a national educational system which provided a compromise between the interests of warring pressure groups. The adoption of the Irish National System and its administration by the authoritarian William Wilkins ensured that the local management of schools should not develop. In contrast to England, New South Wales developed a highly centralized school system in which local initiative was severely discouraged.