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The purpose of this paper is to seek to critically look at the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and Word Trade Organization Doha Round of negotiations, and their substantive outcomes on the main trade issues with a view to assessing their development content, nature and impact so far.

The paper will carry out that purpose by reviewing EPAs and Doha Round's original mandates on development and benchmarking the outcomes thereof against the “new development economics” imperatives and the assertion that trade policy has to truly foster development and progressively realize the right to development in a sustainable manner.

The main findings of the paper are that the two negotiating processes are failing to meet the development expectations and objectives set out in their respective mandates or put in place suitable trade policy options to ensure sustainable development. The processes are in fact mainly driven by commercial as opposed to developmental interest and tend to impede rather than promote both global and regional intergration of developing countries.

In making a conclusion, the paper posits some practical and conceptual suggestions to trade policy makers and negotiators with a view to operationalise and inform a paradigm shift in global trade relations and the concomitant machineries that have hitherto focused mainly on market access and commercial interest; to one underpinned by new development economics imperatives and the right to development as the principal benchmarks of trade policy.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the rules of origin (RoO) of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

This analysis is done by comparing them with those of existing FTAs/EPAs of ASEAN with other RCEP member countries, and also examining the impact of recent mega-FTAs/EPAs, such as TPP11 and Japan-EU EPA, in which some of the member countries participated.

RCEP holds great significance in that it connects Japan and China and Japan and South Korea, which previously have not had any EPAs/FTAs, transforms this massive economic sphere from one with minutely divided and differing RoO under ASEAN plus FTAs to one that is seamlessly connected with those of having evolved into the unified RoO under RCEP, and realizes ideal production networks in Asia.

This paper makes it clear that RCEP, while based on ASEAN plus FTAs, reflects progressive provisions of recent mega-FTAs/EPAs, and adopts simpler and more systematic rules. These provisions limit the distortive effect on trade, realize ideal production networks in Asia, and are appropriate as uniform RoO connecting networks across this massive economic sphere. It also points out that there are provisions that have not been introduced and those that are considered to have been incomplete as a result of negotiations, and the possibility of evolving into more ideal RoO by utilizing the system for revisions established under the agreement.

The entry into force of the EU-CARIFORUM Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) marks the beginning of a new era of trade relations, from preferential treatment to reciprocity, between the member states of the European Union (EU) and the Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM) of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states. In light of the controversy regarding the impact of the agreement, an assessment is made on the static welfare impact it is likely to generate on consumers in Guyana.

The assessment is done through the application of a partial equilibrium model to the 2008 import and tariff data of Guyana. The model captures the static welfare effect that will be occasioned by a change in tariff on imports.

The study finds that there will be a static net welfare loss to the tune of US$31.01 million or 2.2 percent of Guyana's GDP obtained for 2008. The loss is due to a large trade diversion effect which is the product of the fact that over the years Guyana imported little from the EU relative to the rest of the world minus CARIFORUM sources.

Unlike its forerunner, the import data used in this study is for the year immediately before the entering into force of the EU-CARIFORUM EPA and reflects the exact amount of imports that will be liberalized by Guyana. In addition, the study is broader in scope as it focusses on the EU-27, which is the exact number of EU member states with whom Guyana has signed the aforementioned agreement. Subject to its exactness, the study is better positioned in having its findings be used as a yardstick, given the periodic mandatory review of the EU-CARIFORUM EPA.

Relations between the European Union (EU) and African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) states date back to the 1960s. Brexit has also affected relations between the European Union and African-Caribbean and Pacific states. While the impact of Brexit on the EU is evident, the United Kingdom's exit from the EU has begun the process of renegotiation with African-Caribbean and Pacific states. The main objective of the study is to highlight the relationship between the ACP states, the United Kingdom, and the EU for the pre- and post-Brexit period. First, the historical process between the EU and the African-Caribbean and Pacific states was mentioned, and then an attempt was made to examine the consequences of Brexit for the United Kingdom, the European Union, and the related countries.

For decades Mexico has had a good relationship with Japan. The leaders of both countries have struggled to maintain a relationship of friendly cooperation to benefit the development of both countries. Mexico, being a source of coarse natural resources, has always been in the crosshairs of industries of several countries and in recent years has improved its trade relationship with Japan to complement the lack of resources of the Asian country. In 2005 entered into force the Economic Partnership Agreement between Mexico and Japan, a marketing agreement between the two countries that would promote cooperation and boost their economy. The aim of this chapter is to determine the impact of Japanese FDI in manufacturing in Mexico in terms of technological spills that occur in the sector. In addition, to establish whether there are flaws that do not allow technological spillovers generated, if any, are older.

The aim of this paper is to critically analyse the trade preferences offered by the European Union (EU) to developing countries under the Cotonou Agreement and the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) in relation to trade in sugar. There is a need for a timely examination of this area, given the context of the ACP‐EU Economic Partnership Agreements and the recent termination of the ACP‐EU Sugar Protocol (SP).

The paper focuses on the Caribbean region as a whole with a particular focus on two non‐least developed ACP Caribbean countries, Guyana and Jamaica which held the largest sugar quotas among ACP Caribbean which benefited from the SP.

The EU trade regime changes have affected the value of the African‐Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) sugar trade regime and could have a serious impact on the amount of sugar available for purchase on the global market. The paper argues that ACP Caribbean countries could find more profitable to grow sugarcane as an agricultural commodity to produce biofuel, which is currently in high demand.

The analysis in this paper is limited to the arrangements pertaining to developing countries and therefore excludes those relating to least developed countries. Trade in more highly processed sugars such as fructose or glucose, together with the growing trade in biofuel refined from sugar beet and sugar cane are also outwith the scope of this discussion.

The paper deals with an intricate issue. It discusses the socio‐economic impact of the trade regime changes on the selected Caribbean countries and includes a section on recommendations given the economic weight of sugar for these countries.