Search results

The chapter will address comparative teacher preparation programs for teachers who wish to teach in inclusive settings, including those in the United States and People’s Republic of China. Consideration will be given to developing course objectives and outcomes for teacher preparation programs through the alignment of teacher standards and content standards. Further, discussion will review assessing pre-service teacher candidates for inclusive settings. It will conclude with recommendations for inclusive teacher preparation programs.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the two decades since Hong Kong’s return to Chinese sovereignty, assessing developments against the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the international agreement under which Hong Kong was transferred from British to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, 1997, and which first set out China’s “basic policies” toward Hong Kong.

The paper’s analysis of developments focuses particularly on areas of controversy, from the extent to which Hong Kong has enjoyed a “high degree of autonomy” to basic rights and freedoms and the legal and judicial systems.

It argues that on the whole, the policies set out in the Joint Declaration have been well implemented: Hong Kong has retained its separate systems since 1997, including rule of law and an independent judiciary, basic rights and freedoms, and separate government and social systems. However, especially since the “occupy” movement of 2014, questions about the sustainability of the “one country, two systems” arrangement have come to the surface.

The paper is distinctive in its assessment of developments against the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration.

Outside the US and Europe, to establish a good government requires more than Western-style democracy. Adopting universal suffrage fully from the Western model is no longer a panacea to reach the ultimate goal of good governance in the East, i.e., to keep promoting socio-economic renovation can be noted as a prerequisite to have further meaningful political advancement in an Asian polity. The purpose of this paper is to explain how to establish a good but authoritarian government in the East.

Given the good of comparative historical analysis, Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore and Deng Xiaoping in China are selected as both cases for “method of agreement.” Further including “argument based on the contrary” to form a context for macro-historical analysis, this paper outlines two characteristics of the duo’s authoritarian leadership, namely, Ideologies and Policy-making; and Political Modernization, and hence provides a more balanced reevaluation of their governance.

Apart from noting how these two Asian giants more or less contributed to their good but authoritarian governments for long in the twentieth century, such a word of authoritarianism to the duo was quite positive to help legitimize their governance, which was far different from many negative views of the Western world.

As theories put forward by Western academics could not entirely justify modernization among Asian societies in the twentieth century, this paper attempts to answer one question: Does the meaning of authoritarianism remain unchanged in the discourse of the East and the West?

The purpose of this paper is to review and compare the changing science and technology policy orientation during the 1990s for both China and India in the process of globalization. In this concern, it seeks to understand the changed orientations of the scientists from the purely academic mode to academic‐entrepreneurial hybrid mode to build up strong national innovations systems in both the countries and present the detailed findings of a sample survey of bio‐scientists in China and India.

The paper makes an analytical review of changing science and technology policies in India and China in the global context by taking into consideration the government documents, reports and research papers, and presents the findings of the sample survey carried by the author, through interviews and questionnaire study of bio‐scientists in India and China.

The developments clearly indicate the changing structural and institutional context of scientific research in an entrepreneurial mode to build up strong national innovation systems (NIS) in both the countries. This is supported by the findings of the survey on the orientations of bio‐scientists in China and India with reference to the changed situation since 1990. It shows that majority of the scientists are of the opinion that equal importance should be given to exploration of knowledge as well as commercialization. In this new environment, scientist academician is slowly being metamorphosed into scientist entrepreneur but with a dual task to strengthen the NIS. The concept of scientist entrepreneur, in the present environment, is well placed in both the countries, although still under experimentation.

In the present context of globalization and growing international competition, the introduction of market cultures in the Chinese and the Indian economies is fast changing the orientation of the scientific communities in both the countries to perform the dual task of knowledge generation as well as commercialization in order to meet national socio‐economic objectives. This has not been studied before. The present paper tries to understand the ongoing metamorphosis of the academician to entrepreneur for long‐term sustainability of the NIS in India and China.

The purpose of this paper is to bring out the possibility of selecting good leaders in Asian countries, i.e., China and Singapore.

Since comparative historical analysis enhances the objectivity for academic discussion, Deng Xiaoping’s and Lee Kuan Yew’s leadership successions have been chosen as the cases for studies by virtue of “method of agreement”. Incorporating “argument based on the contrary” into the context for macro-historical analysis, this paper characterises the duo’s successful (at least quite successful) leadership successions, thus offering an alternative paradigm beyond Western-style democracy.

Both cases of post-Mao China and the independent Singapore indicate that in quite a number of Asian countries, good leaders could still be selected beyond universal suffrage as practised among Western Electoral Democracies, mainly because of the elites-driven context. As to the duo’s succession results, Deng Xiaoping’s selection of leaders was somewhat successful, while Lee Kuan Yew’s was phenomenal.

This paper offers readers a glance over the possibility of selecting good leaders in Asian countries not fully based on Western-style democracy. Learning from the duo’s leadership successions, the West may treat elite politics as the supplement under Western Electoral Democracies in order to avoid their countries falling into the trap of populism. The West could meanwhile consider the exceptional criteria prized by the duo for leadership successions. Considering such interactions among elites in the real-life context, it could serve as an alternative model to Western-style democracy.