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In a two-party system, electoral capture refers to the political dilemma faced by a group that regularly votes overwhelmingly for one party while the other major party has no interest in competing for the group's votes (Frymer, 1999). In 2004, 11 states approved amendments to their state constitutions that banned same-sex marriages. The initiatives passed by wide margins that, except in Utah, exceeded the margin of victory for the winning presidential candidate in each state. The broad support for the anti-gay initiatives suggests the electoral capture of Gay and Lesbian Americans.

Purpose – The discourse about civil society is closely tied to the role of collective action in general, and of social movements in particular. Yet the origins of the recent emphasis on civil society are located in the 1980s – the time period during which the wave of neoliberalism began its rise and spread.

Design/methodology/approach – In order to properly situate the concept of civil society and related debates, they must be linked to efforts to delegitimate and demonize the state that also started gaining momentum during that decade.

Findings – The historical context of its emergence suggests that civil society may not be so much an analytical category for purposes of social research, but a theoretical category that is imbued with political content, both positively and negatively – both as a means to promote progressive ends, and as an expression of the context in which those ends started to face mounting resistance.

Research limitations/implications – At the very least, the concept of civil society has a tendency to distract – both by design and by default – from important questions and challenges, such as those related to the role and persistence of structures of inequality in early 21st century global civilization.

Originality/value – A promising starting point to circumnavigate the counterproductive consequences of the use and abuse of the civil society concept and debate for social research may be its explicitly dynamic conceptualization.

This paper aims to investigate the significance of academic accusations of magical practice towards marketing communication, asking what might motivate such accusations and what meaning they have for marketing's relationship with persuasion.

The paper examines the ways in which four distinguished scholars (Raymond Williams, Judith Williamson, Sut Jhally, and Stephen Brown) have accused marketing of either sharing its transformative power with the social effect of magic or in some way offering a metaphorical parallel with the manner in which magic works to cast a glamour over the “reality” of the world. The paper outlines a rhetorical understanding of magic and uses it to construct a reading of these accusations which focuses around a discomfort with the pursuit of persuasion. The analysis is then extended to contemporary marketing theory, particularly the communicative aspects of service-dominant logic and the broader service perspective.

The argument is advanced that understandings of marketing as “magical” are largely dependent upon a prejudicial view of the role of persuasion and rhetorical technique in mass media marketing communication. The paper demonstrates that this view of persuasion has also become manifest in the contemporary service perspective and limits the “dialogue” approach to marketing communication.

The paper warns against the counter-productive demonisation of persuasion in contemporary marketing theory and seeks to highlight the manner in which accusations of magic have been used to deflect clear debate around the place of persuasion in marketing communication.

This paper outlines how, in many ways, the drug market is not what it is commonly assumed to be and that, as such, we need to reconceptualise how we understand both the drug market and the drug dealer. It briefly reviews the research showing that many of the core activities thought to characterise drug markets and drug dealing are unreasonably exaggerated or even essentially fallacious. It then seeks to demonstrate that the drug market doesn't even look the way it is assumed to look, in terms of its shape, structure and personnel. The issue of social supply is held up as an example of how unhelpful the current view is, particularly around cannabis and young people, and as evidence that the ‘house of cards’ that is the current conceptualisation of the drug market and the drug dealer needs reappraisal along with policy that is currently insufficiently nuanced to respond appropriately.

This paper scrutinizes the relevance of Karol Wojtyla's Laborem Exercens.

In doing so, the endeavor employs participatory method for workers to do the following: identify problems experienced or observed in unionism, determine what/who causes hindrance in achieving the union's aim, describe the future of unionism if the problems are not addressed and draw possible solutions.

Even though the Catholic Church had issued encyclicals that deal with workers' rights and had maintained in its social teachings affirmative arguments for workers, these must be seen yet in the Philippines where unionists are vilified and red-tagged, needing the prophetic role of Church leaders affirming workers' rights. Human work is not only personal but also social, political and economic; it is a collective act.

Though Wojtyla affirmed workers' rights, the workers can hardly feel the presence of the Church. AMA Sugbo – KMU (Alyansa sa mga Mamumuo sa Sugbo – Kilusang Mayo Uno/Workers' Alliance in Cebu – May 1 Movement), a Cebu-based labor group, needs the role of the Church in asserting rights to unionize and launch strikes, but, as Marx maintained, relies on the workers' dedication to arouse, organize and mobilize because many of the workers, as Althusser argued, view social institutions as state apparatuses; hence, there's a need to review the participation of the Church with Wojtyla's Laborem vis-à-vis neoliberal mode of production.

As the Rohingya minority is expelled from their native society, many families have migrated to India where they face societal, legal, and educational discrimination due to lack of transactional relationship with the Indian state. This study aims to understand how the schooling of Rohingya children in the Kalindi Kunj’s Myanmar Refugee Camp in the city of New Delhi (India) is associated with the aspirations of the children and of their parents in the face of cultural disruptions in the socialization of the children. This ethnographical study is based on the narratives of both children and their parents from the Rohingya refugee community as a tool to capture their life-worlds.

Purpose – A crucial discussion within the feminist discourse in consumption studies concerns the role of the marketplace in women's emancipation. While some theorists argue that women in contemporary society employ marketplace resources to construct individual, multiple identities, critics call attention to the fact that this argument may be applicable exclusively to Western, white, middle-class women, who possess sufficient capital to participate fully in the consumer culture. Our aim is to demonstrate that non-Western women with limited capital resources can benefit from the self-realizing modern woman discourse criticized by the second wave feminist research stream.

Methodology/approach – In support of the above perspective, we analyze depth interviews with fourteen Romanian women, aged 23–51, who had been living in Italy for one to twelve years at the time of the interview.

Findings – The internalization of the modern woman discourse featured in the marketplace is closely and interactively connected to the acquisition of cultural capital, leading eventually to the adoption of a self-reflexive cosmopolitan strategy that allows women to individuate and effectively resist the dominating discourses in the home and host societies.

Originality/value of paper – Our chapter adds a global dimension to the second wave and postfeminism discussions of the role of the marketplace in women's gender role negotiation. We illustrate that the modern woman discourse featured in the marketplace may act as an emancipating force for women who originated in a patriarchal society. By doing so, we also offer an overlooked gendered perspective on the discourse of global consumer culture.