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Slovenian society was historically very ambivalent towards the military. In former Yugoslavia many people understood the military as the socialising agent, the organisation that would help their sons to grow up, and as provider of help in cases of natural catastrophes. The role of defence of the homeland was perceived as a legitimate task of the military, but the expectation of a foreign military threat was gradually decreasing. The Yugoslav policy of active participation in the non-alignment movement helped people to believe that they lived in a neutral country, in a country without foreign enemies. The perception of a low military threat in the public clashed with the very tough enemy-searching of the former Yugoslav military. This caused tensions between Slovenian civil society and Yugoslav military elites. The associations of civil society asked for recognition of conscientious objection, which was not permitted in former Yugoslavia until the mid-1980s. Even then, the status of conscientious objectors was given to religious believers only, and they had to serve within the military without arms. In 1991, the Slovenian public verified its decades-old hypothesis that there is no enemy outside the country, but the biggest enemy is its own military. The war in Slovenia, although the decision to form an independent state was encouraged by Serb nationalism and the totalitarian perception of the Yugoslav Federation, was clearly a war between the Slovenian people, military, and police against the Yugoslav Peoples’ Army and not against other nations or republics of former Yugoslavia.

The Bulgarian sample of the international civil–military gap project comprised 30 cadets in the National Defence University (I and III course) and 91 students from the University of Sofia (law and political science department), the New Bulgarian University (psychology department), and the University for National and World Economy (economy of defence and security department). According to the gender of the respondents, the sample is divided as follows: cadets – 67% male, 33% females; students – 38% males, 62% females. Data was collected in the period March–June 2004.

The past ten to fifteen years have been a turbulent period for the Swedish military. The collapse of the Soviet Union, which was the primary potential enemy, the end of the Cold War, the establishment of the independent Baltic States and Swedish membership in the European Union all combined to render the Swedish defence forces hopelessly outdated. However, although the need for change has been obvious for many years, now many think the progress has been very slow. Some say we should have changed the defence forces dramatically back in the early 1990s. Instead, we chose to implement a series of reorganisations, closing down piece after piece of the old invasion-oriented defence force, while trying to retain as much as possible. What we have today is an eroded conscription system, where military service has become more a question of choice. Despite all this, the public is still quite supportive, thinking that we might need a defence “just in case”, especially as new threats arise. A new trend is that quite many, according to public opinion polls, now think that those who actually do serve as conscripts should get extra compensated with money for this service to society.

We surveyed 270 young officers studying at the Bundeswehr University in Munich and 400 civilian students from Potsdam University. Both groups of future elites were from the social sciences, law, economics or computer sciences departments. The questionnaires were distributed to respondents between January and May 2004. All respondents were volunteers. Return rates were 99% for the military sample with 268 questionnaires returned and 25% for the civilian sample with 100 questionnaires returned so that a total of 368 questionnaires were processed.

Force Structure is an important aspect of the PMMM and helps define the nature of civil–military relations. It is in the realm of conscription that the dimension of force structure finds particular relevance in the Taiwan context. Moreover, while there have been military restructuring projects and programs that have made detailed changes one way or the other, the big picture remains: Taiwan’s is a conscript-based military. Therefore, it is this aspect of force structure wherein the importance of public perception lies, and the results of this research show that attitudes toward military conscription are impacted significantly by self-identification, with the vast majority wanting the ROC government to keep conscription, rather than moving forward with the All-Volunteer Force transformation. In terms of the attitudes toward conscientious objection, results show that the younger a respondent is, the more they support conscientious objection. Moreover, the more supportive a respondent is to women serving in the military, the more they support conscientious objection. Taken together, this would seem to indicate that citizens, especially young people, regard the matter of military service as a choice that should be made by the individual in question – either male or female. Given the fact of conscription, persons with a valid reason for conscientiously objecting should not be forced to serve, or punished if they refuse to do so. Thus it seems that people recognize a need for conscription, whether as a means to promote good citizenship habits among young men, or because of the China threat, but that opting out of such a system should be accommodated.

In the context of constructing an integrated national strategic system, collaborative innovation among enterprises is the current social focus. Therefore, in order to find the interest relationship between multiple game subjects, to explore the influencing factors of collaborative innovation of civil-military integration enterprises. This paper constructs a collaborative innovation mechanism for military–civilian integration involving four game subjects (military enterprises, private enterprises, local governments, and science and technology intermediaries). It aims to solve and reveal the evolutionary game relationship among the four parties.

To explore the mechanism of military–civilian collaborative innovation involving four players, this study employs game theory and constructs an evolutionary game model for collaborative innovation with the participation of military enterprises, civilian enterprises, local governments, and technology intermediaries. The model reveals the evolutionary game patterns among these four entities, analyzes the impact of various parameters on the evolutionary process of the game system, and numerical simulation is used to show these changes more specifically.

The research findings demonstrate that active government subsidies promote cooperation throughout the system. Moreover, increasing the input-output ratio of research and development (R&D), the rate of technological spillovers, and the R&D investment of civilian enterprises all facilitate the tendency toward cooperation within the system. However, when the government chooses to actively provide subsidies, increasing R&D investment in military enterprises may hinder the tendency toward cooperation. Furthermore, central transfer payments, government punishment from the central government, and an increase in the information conversion rate of technology intermediaries may suppress the rate of cooperation within the system.

Most of the previous studies on the collaborative innovation of military–civilian integration have been tripartite game models between military enterprises, private enterprises, and local governments. In contrast, this study adds science and technology intermediaries on this basis, reveals the evolution mechanism of collaborative innovation of civil-military integration enterprises from the perspective of four-party participation, and analyzes the factors influencing the cooperation of the whole system. The conclusion of this study not only enriches the collaborative innovation evolution mechanism of military–civilian integration enterprises from the perspective of multiple agents but also provides practical guidance for the innovation-driven development of military–civilian integration enterprises.

Perhaps the most important aspect of civil–military relations, with implication for all other dimensions of this relationship, is how the public perceives the military and its role. This research uncovered some interesting patterns in this relationship, an understanding of which is crucial to solving the problems faced by the ROC military today. Results of this research illuminate an ambivalence in attitudes toward the military. As Moskos has amply demonstrated, militaries can be a part of society, or separate from the society they serve. During the 38 years of martial law, the military essentially controlled public perception through outright control of the island’s media. Today, with the post-democratization emergence of a free press, the military is constantly being excoriated by the media. It is important to determine the degree to which the general population believes this harsh coverage is justified, or do people think that the military does not deserve to be treated so shabbily by the media. Results of this research indicate that the more strongly one identifies as Taiwanese, the less likely he is to view the media as being unfair to the military in its coverage. Perception of the media’s coverage of the military is therefore impacted significantly by self-identification, as confirmed by these results: with those self-identifying as Taiwanese believing that the media harshness is warranted in covering the military. This is not an unexpected result, given that, as mentioned above, the military is widely seen as having been the KMT army, and antithetical to the push for independence, or at least localization.

Since the end of the Cold War, women's integration in the armed forces has been an issue of increasing interest in Europe. The full integration of women into the armed forces is decided on at the divide between voluntary and compulsive service. There is no big civil–military gap in the approval given that military services were mandatory for women. If service is optional, however, there is a clear civil–military gap to be seen in most countries. The differences between the countries, however, must be taken into account as well. There is no standard European attitude concerning the integration of women into the armed forces.

The purpose of this paper is to understand the needs of the supply-chain (SC) network when coping with permanent and temporary demands, this paper analyzes the Swedish emergency preparedness SC network. This network comprises planning procedures and resources, as well as numerous organizations and other participants in civil society that take part in the system to cope with threats and ongoing crises. Planning constitutes a critical infrastructure because the system must develop the ability to shift SC functions from permanent to temporary networks in ongoing crises and war.

A research study is performed based on data gathered by three qualitative methods concerning the SC network of emergency preparedness planning.

This study demonstrates the relevance of a wide empirical field challenging several theoretical perspectives of the SC network in preparedness planning and the shift to ongoing crises. Further research targeting key capabilities is needed to further improve understanding of the challenges for developed countries in managing potential threats and crises.

Actors taking part in the preparedness system have found it challenging to coordinate. Due, in part, to the lack of a common threat profile, key capabilities remain outside preparedness planning, e.g., military, commercial and voluntary actors as well as unclear and inconsistent regulations. Thus, building the SC network demonstrates the need to target the military, the voluntary and commercial sectors and their ability to develop the networks in preparedness planning. In a reformed system, all actors must strengthen civil defense in an all-hazard approach, which in planning encompasses the entire threat scale, demonstrating key functions and the ability to shift to temporary networks responding to ongoing crises, including war.

As a transition economy, China is interested in allocating its limited innovation resources economically, reasonably and efficiently to produce as many outputs as possible with its limited financial and human resources. Nonetheless, what is the efficiency of the allocation of innovative resources for civil–military integration enterprises, and what factors hinder its efficiency improvement? The purpose of this paper is to explore these problems.

The improved two-stage network data envelopment analysis (DEA) method is used to measure the overall efficiency and stage efficiency of the innovation resource allocation of 58 Chinese civil–military integration listed companies from 2010 to 2016. Tobit model is used to analyze the influencing factors of resource allocation efficiency.

The results indicate that the overall efficiency and stage efficiency of innovation resource allocation fluctuate in varying degrees during the period. The optimization of overall efficiency is restricted by lower efficiency of innovation achievement transformation. Enterprise scale was found to have a significant negative impact on both overall and two-stage efficiencies. Proportion of research and development (R&D) personnel had a positive effect on the overall and two-stage efficiency. Government support had a significant positive effect on the stage of innovation resource development and overall efficiency.

Previous research studies have used either the DEA or stochastic frontier analysis method to measure the efficiency of innovation activities as a whole and ignored the stage of initial investment to final output in innovation activities. That is, the process in which initial input of R&D resources becomes innovation output, and then becomes economic benefits. Therefore, this paper studies the efficiency of innovation resource allocation of civil–military integration listed companies. The improved two-stage chain network DEA method and Tobit model were used.