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Imprisonment is common among drug users. However, historically healthcare for injecting drug users in prison in England and Wales has not been equivalent to that offered in community settings. Fiftyone injecting drug users who had a history of imprisonment were interviewed. Interviews focused on the experiences of drug‐related care and treatment in prison. The interviews were analysed using the Framework method. Accounts of prison drug treatment experiences provided valuable insights into drug treatment in the English prison. The participants’ accounts provided a historical perspective, many of which reflected the different practices of different prisons and prison staff and the changes in policy and practice that have occurred in prison healthcare over recent decades. Positive and negative experiences of healthcare and drug treatment in prison were discussed. Issues that affected levels of drug use inside prisons and their receipt of care, support and treatment in prison included prescribing policies, illicit drug availability and prison staff and doctor attitudes. Whilst negative experiences of prison and drug treatment prevailed, users identified that recent policy and practice changes had positively influenced healthcare provision for drug users in prison, particularly the provision of opiate maintenance therapy. Drug users often saw prison as an opportunity to detoxify and contemplate their drug use. Further work needs to build on the positive experiences identified to ensure that prison drug treatment in England and Wales is consistent, effective and efficient in the future.

This paper aims to explore the cessation of injecting amongst male drug users when in prison in England and uncovers what influenced this behaviour and why.

Qualitative interviews were conducted with 30 male drug users on release from prison to explore what happened to their injecting drug use in prison. The research was conducted from a pragmatic harm reduction approach using grounded theory.

Not injecting in prison was identified as a pertinent finding and nine overarching themes accounted for this decline. The themes often overlapped with one another, highlighting how the decision not to inject when last in prison was multi‐factorial. Running throughout the themes were participants' concerns regarding the health and social risks attributed to injecting in prison, alongside an appreciation of some of the rehabilitative measures and opportunities offered to injecting drug users when in prison.

This qualitative research offers an updated perspective on illicit drug injecting in prison in England from the view of drug users since health and prison policy changes in prescribing and practice. It contributes to evidence suggesting that prisons can be used as a time of reprieve and recovery from injecting drug use.

The purpose of this paper is to explore prison drug injecting prevalence, identify any changes in injecting prevalence and practice during imprisonment and explore views on prison needle exchange.

An empirical prospective cohort survey conducted between 2006 and 2008. The study involved a random sample of 267 remand and sentenced prisoners from a large male category B prison in England where no prison needle exchange operates. Questionnaires were administered with prisoners on reception and, where possible, at one, three and six months during their sentence.

In total, 64 per cent were injecting until admission into prison. The majority intended to stop injecting in prison (93 per cent), almost a quarter due to the lack of needle exchange (23 per cent). Yet when hypothetically asked if they would continue injecting in prison if needle exchange was freely available, a third of participants (33 per cent) believed that they would. Injecting cessation happened on prison entry and appeared to be maintained during the sentence.

Not providing sterile needles may increase risks associated with injecting for prisoners who continue to inject. However, providing such equipment may prolong injecting for other prisoners who currently cease injecting on account of needle exchange programmes (NEPs) not being provided in the UK prison setting.

Not providing sterile needles may increase risks associated with injecting for prisoners who continue to inject. However, providing such equipment may prolong injecting for other prisoners who currently cease injecting on account of NEPs not being provided in the UK prison setting.

This survey is the first to question specifically regarding the timing of injecting cessation amongst male prisoners and explore alongside intention to inject should needle exchange facilities be provided in prison.

This article draws upon the international literature to focus on the investigation of prisoner deaths in England and Wales, concentrating on clinician involvement in this process.

This is a viewpoint paper regarding clinician involvement in coroner investigations of prisoner deaths in England and Wales.

Compared to colleagues practising in the community, the authors suggest that there is a higher burden of investigation upon clinicians practicing in secure environments and recommend improved training for prison clinicians regarding expectations of the coroner's inquest and also a system whereby questioning in coroners' courts is directed through the coroner.

This paper provides an updated perspective on the issue of coroner investigations following a death in prison custody, from the position of practising prison clinicians.

The purpose of this paper is to describe a high-profile social enterprise in Blackpool, England, called Jobs, Friends and Houses (JFH) that has created a visible social identity of recovery and meaningful activity, to assess how stigma is challenged through active and visible community engagement.

Case study based on in-depth individual interview and focus group, supplemented by participant in-depth interviews.

The paper describes one particular incident in which a worker at JFH intervened in a violent attack, possibly saving a woman’s life. The paper describes the experiences of internalised stigma and external exclusion being challenged by the development of a positive social identity and a pro-social community role that has high visibility. Data are presented showing the strong social identity experienced by participants and recognised by external stakeholders.

This is a pilot study which uses an opportunistic design and much stronger longitudinal designs will be needed to address the issues raised in the paper.

The paper argues that the visibility of the pro-social identity has been central to challenging stereotypes and discriminating attitudes and suggests that a social identity approach may be central to generating and sustaining a recovery community and to confronting and reversing long-held stigmatised attitudes.

The paper is important as it discusses the impact of recovery through engagement in meaningful activities that challenge stigma and exclusion through work. The paper is framed in terms of a social identity model of recovery.

Recovery is a central component of UK substance misuse policy, however, relatively little is known about the views and meanings of recovery by those experiencing it. The purpose of this paper is to explore these factors, and understand how service user experiences align to current understandings of “recovery capital”.

This paper draws on qualitative interviews with 32 individuals from six UK recovery communities, including those commissioned by a statutory service (n=8) and a peer-led recovery community (n=24).

Meanings of recovery differed between people in abstinence-based communities and those not; however, all had consistent views on their own recovery outcomes and the benefits they believed recovery brought. All viewed recovery as a process; a continuous journey with no end-point. Internal motivation, peer support, social networks and daily structure were integral to supporting individuals achieve and maintain recovery. Key benefits of recovery reflected recovery capital and included positive relationships, sense of belonging, increased self-worth and confidence, employment and education.

This research shows that recovery experiences and outcomes are not centred entirely on the individual but are wider, more holistic. Maintaining recovery involves being connected to themselves and to the wider environment: family, friends, peers and society. Although the recovery capital model has many elements that were discussed by the participants of this research, the discourse they used does not align with the model. To validly measure and quantify recovery outcomes, individuals need to identify with the measures themselves.

From policy and commissioning perspectives, these findings suggest benefits of recovery that were viewed by participants as indicators of success: demonstrate elements which support recovery; and highlight key social value outcomes which people attribute to recovery.

These “softer”, qualitative benefits should be considered by policy-makers, commissioners, statutory and non-statutory services in order to evidence outcomes. However, it should also be recognised that a temporally static approach to assessing recovery may be in contradiction to the meaning and perspectives held by those in recovery communities who conceptualise it as a long term and ongoing process.

This paper adds to understandings of experiences and meanings of recovery, with a particular focus on the measurement of outcomes and their meanings, and the role of abstention and continued drug use within the recovery process.

The purpose of this paper is to develop further the understanding of co-productive methodological practice for substance use research by demonstrating the use of a mobile, multimedia interviewing aid by members of a UK recovery community.

A co-productive approach to data collection was piloted using a bespoke, audio-visual booth located in a range of recovery and community-focused social events. Audio-visual data were collaboratively selected, curated and analysed by recovery community partners and researchers.

Findings illustrate how a mobile audio-visual booth can be used successfully within co-productive research. This approach facilitated a better understanding of the experiences and practices of self-reflection within the recovery community as they worked together to create a meaningful recovery largely independent of conventional recovery services.

This research was performed with one cohort of co-production members. However, the co-productive nature of the enquiry and the rich data this provided invites the making of cautious but firmer claims with regard to the transferability of this approach to similar recovery contexts.

Co-productive approaches confer a meaningful impact upon members of the recovery community, and wider understanding of this approach will promote an impact upon others engaging in recovery, supporting growth of a practice-based and theoretically underpinned evidence base.

This study highlights use of digital technologies within co-productive community-based methodologies, reducing reliance upon academic expertise, and facilitating participant leadership in research. The analysis also signposts new areas for scholarly discussion in the area of co-productive, community-driven research.

The purpose of this paper is to understand how people with problematic drug use access positive social capital. Social capital is defined as relations that provide valuable resources to individuals through participation in social networks. People with low-socioeconomic status remain at a disadvantage for acquiring positive social capital, a component of recovery capital. The concept of social recovery emphasizes the relational processes of recovery.

In-depth life history data were collected from 29 individuals who used heroin, cocaine, crack, or methamphetamine for at least five years, have less than a high-school education, and unstable employment and housing. Qualitative data were coded for social networks accessed throughout the life course, distinguished by bonding, bridging, and linking social capital.

Social networks included drug treatment programs; non-drug-using family and friends; religious/spiritual groups; workplace networks; and social clubs/activities. Bonding and/or bridging social capital were acquired through treatment, family and friends, religious/spiritual groups, workplaces, and social clubs. Linking social capital was not acquired through any social network available, and many barriers to accessing mainstream social networks were found.

This is a small study conducted in the USA.

Social recovery is proposed as an analytical tool as well as for developing prevention, intervention, and treatment strategies.

A greater focus on social recovery is needed to achieve sustained recovery for individuals lacking access to, and engagement in mainstream social networks.

This paper further develops a new conceptual framework to use in recovery research and practice.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a gendered reading of the 2010 UK drug strategy and draw out the implications of the new recovery paradigm for female drug users.

The paper explores the concept of recovery at a theoretical level, uncovering the taken-for-granted assumptions in the three overarching principles: freedom from dependence; well-being; and citizenship. It also analyses the available quantitative and qualitative evidence on women’s access to recovery capital to explore the role gender might play in the journey to recovery.

Strategic thinking around recovery in the UK is largely silent on gender. However, close scrutiny of the available, albeit limited, evidence base on female drug users and feminist scholarship on the principles of well-being and citizenship suggests the need to understand recovery against a backdrop of the social and normative context of women’s lives.

Recent analyses of contemporary UK drug policy have focused on the conflation of recovery with abstinence and the displacement of the harm reduction agenda. They have failed to draw out the implications for particular groups of drug users such as women. The pursuit of recovery-based drug policy is not peculiar to the UK so the paper offers a case study of its gendered application in a particular national context.