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Black Panther depicted a positive representation of Black culture. The film transcended Black minds to believe in power, excellence, and intelligence. Black youth posted images on social media using the Wakanda pose as a symbol of pride. The film not only countered the stereotypical generalized ideologies of African culture, values, and customs, but it capsized false narratives by including the historical context of Black scientist with a female character. Articles summarizing depictions of Black Panther and its influence on Black youth assert that the character of Shuri and her perfection of the sciences contributed to pathways for young Black girls to join science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) programs. Other factors contribute to the increase of Black girls in STEM programs, but the image of Shuri's character in a position of power of the sciences pinpoints representation as key to cerebral pictures and reflections of Black female excellence in the sciences. However, representation is minimal among Black male youth in STEM programs.

Although it is true that African American male youth have Black male representation in media through sports figures, rappers, and hip-hop artists, inquiring minds need to know that Black male representation in the sciences and mathematics is the formula to how young minds view themselves and their relation to the world. Accordingly, this underrepresentation of Black male youth in STEM programs leads to the big “what if” question. If LeBron James conducted a critical analysis using physics and mathematics to make a 3-point shot, then what is the likelihood that young Black males' interest in the STEM programs would increase?

On February 18, 2021, the NASA Perseverance rover traveled 292.5 million miles, safely landing on Mars, proving the power of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in accomplishing such a historical feat. Glaringly absent from the photos, tweets, and commentaries showing NASA's team celebrations, however, are African American males. Their absence gives rise to the question “Where are the Black males?” – not just in NASA's celebratory photos, but in STEM-related careers altogether. Perhaps even more important questions are “What K-12 systems are in place that exclude Black males from being prepared – academically and socially – for careers with NASA and the like? And what strategies are necessary to engage them in STEM education?”

In this chapter, the author offers a historical overview of the STEM contributions offered by Black males, while explaining the competition of academic identity and Black male identity in successful school experiences. Four K-12 education barriers that derail African American males from their STEM trajectory are highlighted. As a conclusion, strategies to engage Black males in developing and nurturing an early interest in STEM are offered.

In an effort to diversify the nation’s teaching force, the U.S. Department of Education has initiated programs to increase teachers of color in U.S. schools, particularly Black male teachers in subject areas like mathematics. In that Black male mathematics teachers continue to be under researched, particularly in urban school contexts, it was critical that their cases were (1) documented and analyzed in an effort to better understand their experiences and practices, and (2) utilized to inform teacher recruitment efforts. In this chapter, we present the case of Floyd Lee, a Black male mathematics teacher who participated in an NSF-funded research study of Black Algebra 1 teachers teaching in an urban school district. We present experiences that appear to influence his practice and consider how his case, and other cases like Floyd’s, might inform efforts to increase the number of Black male mathematics teachers in U.S. schools.

The impact of academic and school-related factors on college readiness, aspirations, and access has been examined frequently within the literature (Barber & Torney-Purta, 2008; Polite, 1994; Taliaferro & DeCuir-Gunby, 2008; Uwah, McMahon, & Furlow, 2008; Wimberly, 2002; Yun & Kurlaender, 2004). Several factors related to school racial composition and perceived school support (Yun & Kurlaender, 2004), school relationships (Wimberly, 2002), gaps in exposure to college preparatory and advanced placement curriculums (Taliaferro & DeCuir-Gunby, 2008), teacher perceptions (Barber & Torney-Purta, 2008), and structural inequalities (Polite, 1994) have been identified as variables that significantly impact the opportunities for African-American children to be exposed to the types of interpersonal relationships and educational experiences necessary for preparing them to succeed in postsecondary education.

African American male teachers are the nation’s most academically credentialed and professionally experienced teachers. Though less than 2 percent of the nation’s teachers are African American males, these teachers are more likely than their White male and female peers to hold a master’s or doctorate degree. Additionally, African American male teachers who become principals assume the position with more years of experience as a PK-12 classroom teacher than their White peers. And, those who leave the principalship to become superintendents have more years of experience as a PK-12 principal than similarly situated White peers. Why, then, are African American males underrepresented in critical school district policy and leadership posts such as the principalship and superintendency while lesser credentialed and experienced White males hold these posts in percentages that exceed their representation in the teacher workforce? This chapter reviews data about African American male teachers and the school leadership pipeline and proposes a series of policy recommendations to increase representation of African American males in the PK-12 teacher and school leadership workforces.

Research suggests there are at least three challenges to Black male interest and success in STEM careers: increasing access to STEM resources and curriculum, increasing Black and male inclusiveness in STEM initiatives, and increasing cultural and technical competency in STEM fields. African American schools typically do not have equitable STEM resources or instruction. In addition, there is limited research on supporting Black males' success in STEM in the culturally responsive computing (CRC) literature. Most STEM initiatives prioritize increasing the number of girls in STEM fields. STEM field employers are not active recruiters of Black male hires and have little experience with diversity and cultural inclusiveness. Research also suggests that Black students may not be interested working in White corporate America that undervalues their unique cultural perspectives and are more concerned with schooling that improves their communities. This chapter utilized CRC as a lens to examine the complexity of engaging Black males in STEM. As a result, the authors suggest adopting an equity ethic to help teachers help Black males connect themselves and their communities to STEM technology by utilizing smartphones and smartphone technology to engage Black males who may not have access to computers. We end with an example of CRC called barbershop computing, which combines computing, engineering, and innovation as a method to attract and retain Black males in STEM classes and help them persist in STEM careers.

International assessment data consistently indicate that when compared to their peers from other major developed nations, American students, irrespective of their race, underperform in reading and mathematics (Darling Hammond, 2010; NCES, 2011; PIRLS, 2011; PISA, 2009; TIMSS, 2011). Within an American context, African American males generally have the lowest reading scores as compared to their White peers (Husband, 2012; NCES, 2011; Schott Foundation, 2010; Spellings Report, 2006). Existing research indicates that these disparities in academic performance are a result of inequalities in access to quality education and differences in the treatment of students, which are deeply imbedded in historical patterns of racial, gendered, and class discrimination. However, past studies also indicate that these same students optimize their learning experiences and become high performers when they receive high quality instruction and school enrichments. Thus, this chapter examines the use of Readers Theater as an instructional model that may help to enhance the school achievement of student groups, such as African American males. The chapter documents the challenges that Black males face in schools and proposes performing arts education as a mediating mechanism and reading enhancement tool. Additionally, it includes an in-depth description of Readers Theater and examines several studies on this instructional method and its potential impact on African American males and their reading skills.

In this chapter, we explore group counseling interventions for Black males and explain the Achieving Success Everyday (ASE) group model for racial and mathematical development. We use critical race theory (CRT) as a framework to analyze school counseling (SC) and mathematics literature that focuses on Black male students to inform the reconceptualization of the ASE group model for school counselors. We examine the programs and interventions that have been published with Black male participants in school settings within the SC literature. We also examine programs and interventions that have been specially designed to improve Black males' mathematics skills. We specifically focus on gathering findings that provide successful outcomes for Black males in public schools. We examine literature that reflects the role school counselors (SCs) take when supporting Black male students' academic, social, emotional, college, and career identity development. We believe uncovering ideas to capture Black males' experiences in school settings could shed light on how to foster Black excellence. Gaining an understanding of programs and interventions for Black male students through a CRT lens could inform future research, policy, and practice in SC while combating ongoing racism that continues to persist.

The need to maintain global competitiveness makes it clear that the United States must increase the participation in STEM fields by African Americans males. Historically, national security and economic status in a global economy has relied primarily on technological superiority; however, U.S. dominance in this regard is eroding. Data from the National Science Board (NSB) show that in the United States, from 1950 to 2000, the number of people in the science and technology workforce has dramatically increased approximately 200,000 to 5.5 million or more (Galama & Hosek, 2008). During that period, the average annual growth rate for S&E occupations was consistently higher than that for all U.S. workers. Further, employment needs for all S&E fields grew faster than U.S. degree production over the same period. As reported by the NSB, while the number of workers in S&E occupations in the United States grew at an average rate of 4.2% from 1980 to 2000, the S&E degree production in the United States grew only at a rate of 1.5%. To offset the shortage of supply versus demand, the S&E marketplace responded to that difference between degree production and occupation growth by employing individuals in S&E jobs who did not have S&E degrees. Additionally, some of that void was filled by employing foreign S&E workers.