Search results

Understanding how dyadic negotiations and group decision processes evolve over time requires specifying the basic elements of process, modeling the configuration of those elements over time, and providing a theoretical explanation for that configuration. We propose a bead metaphor for conceptualizing the basic elements of the group negotiation process and then “string” the beads of behavior in a helix framework to model the process by which group negotiations evolve. Our theorizing draws on the group decision development literature (e.g. Bales, 1953; Poole, 1981, 1983a, b; Poole & Roth, 1989a, b) as well as on the negotiation process literature (e.g. Gulliver, 1979; Morley & Stephenson, 1977). Our examples are from our Towers Market studies of negotiating groups.

Scholars have long argued that churches play a critical role in mobilizing communities marginal to the political process, primarily by pooling resources, disseminating information, and providing opportunities for members to develop community networks, leadership, and civic skills. However, recent research suggests that churches only serve as effective mobilizing institutions when they engage in direct political discussion and recruitment. Even so, churches may face economic, legal, and institutional barriers to entering the political sphere, and explicit political speech and action remain rare. Through an analysis of two years of ethnographic fieldwork following faith-based community organizers attempting to recruit Spanish speakers throughout a Catholic Archdiocese into a campaign for immigrant rights, this paper explores the institutional constraints on church political mobilization, and how these are overcome to mobilize one of the most politically marginal groups in the United States today: Hispanic undocumented immigrants and their allies. I argue that scholars of political engagement must look beyond the structural features of organizations to consider the effects of their institutionalized domains and practices. While churches do face institutional barriers to political mobilization, activists who specialize their recruitment strategy to match the institutional practices of the organizations they target can effectively overcome these barriers to mobilize politically alienated populations.

The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore perceptions of the impact of program participation on parenting styles and behavioral changes using observations and in-depth semi-structured interviews with Black and Coloured staff and mothers at a community-based organization (CBO) in the Western Cape Province (WCP) in South Africa (SA). Purposive sampling was utilized in this research via the CBO and narratives from a total of twenty-three (twelve mothers and eleven staff) interviews form the basis of this manuscript. Data was collected between January – February 2017 and was analyzed through the phenomenological and inductive thematic analysis approach. The staff interviews revealed that child abandonment and neglect and the abuse of women are the two main environmental contextual factors that impact program participation. According to staff, improved self-esteem and positive life changes were identified as successful outcomes of participant involvement. The parent interviews provided examples of emotional issues such as domestic abuse and personal issues with alcohol and drugs as individual factors that impact their program participation. Changes in parenting styles was identified as successful outcomes among parent participants. The goal of this study was to provide much-needed insight into this community by presenting a variety of voices, specifically Black and Coloured men and women, that are underreported in the literature. Findings from this research adds to the knowledge of community-based parenting programs (CBPPs) for low-income and underserved populations in SA and internationally.

Purpose – The purpose of this study was to understand how, if at all, backchanneling technology supported an early career English teacher’s facilitation of literary discussions in his 10th grade classroom. Although emerging findings from studies of backchanneling in teaching contexts have illustrated its potential power, little attention has been given to how teachers learn to use the tool or reimagine their pedagogical roles as they use backchanneling for instructional purposes.

Design/Methodology/Approach – Discourse analyses of 16 face-to-face (frontchannel) and online (backchannel) transcripts of discussions exposed how participants used these two venues to interact simultaneously around a literary text. Methods from Nystrand’s (2002) dialogic discourse analysis isolated each teacher interjection in the contexts of each discussion.

Findings – The teacher used the backchannel to probe for elaborated student responses and model dialogic discourse moves. The teacher’s behind-the-scenes support limited his participation during frontchannel discussions, allowing for open discussion among students without the teacher’s consistent interjection, which disrupted the initiation-response-evaluation discourse structure that is pervasive in US schools.

Practical Implications – Although backchanneling technology can be used to archive records of students’ participation that could be useful for assessment purposes, the teacher’s skillful capacity to negotiate two discussions at once reconstituted his role during the discussion from facilitator to a fellow reader with his students as they explored meaningful questions that literature provokes – a less obvious and potentially more powerful affordance of this digital tool for instructional purposes.

Many scholars have reflected on Ricardo’s comparative advantage theory, but little has been said about Yoruba economic thoughts, especially in the exchange and distribution of articles of trade. Prior to the arrival of the Europeans and their activities in the economy of Yorubaland in the pre-colonial period, communities had traded in local, distant markets and across frontiers with neighbours in exchange for products different to the ones they produced. This happened because different towns had specialised in the production of articles which were environmentally suitable to it. Soil fertility, dictated by environmental factors, was a determining factor in what was produced, as agriculture was essentially the predominant economic activity. Textile industries were also established which equally stimulated long-distance trade as specialised clothes were made for export to neighbouring regions. A number of Yoruba towns have been selected for this analysis. The work presents Yoruba economic thoughts and initiatives, and the activities of the indigenous people in the pre-colonial period in Yorubaland and critically assesses the articles which different towns produced for export to other cities and kingdoms in Yorubaland and beyond. Primary source in form of interviews were conducted, proverbs, and secondary sources such as books and journals were also consulted for this work. The economic thought of the people based on specialising in advantaged goods or what they easily produced and achieved is worth historical investigation as a means of celebrating their economic thoughts in a free market.

Relations between Indigenous women and the Australian women’s movement have never been easy. For some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women the white women’s movement has seemed irrelevant to the real struggles in Aboriginal women’s lives, which have tended to be more politically aligned with Indigenous struggles more broadly. Many Aboriginal women have viewed white feminists as insensitive to their own role in Australia’s colonial history and the implications of this for contemporary intercultural relations. In response to such criticism, many white feminists have struggled with the challenge of effective cross cultural engagement and collaboration.

This chapter brings an intersectional analysis to bear in an effort to understand these challenges, developing a framing of agonistic processes of collective identity as a way of thinking about the potentially productive role of conflict in social movements. Through an examination of Indigenous and non-Indigenous responses to a particular policy framework, the chapter suggests that feminist interventions focussing on the negative, racist impacts of the policy have tended to neglect the gendered dimensions of the underlying problem. As a result these arguments risk neglecting (some) women’s lived experiences.