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What is the relationship between a social movement and the media coverage it receives? Using data on the Tea Party and supplementing it with a broad dataset of coverage in nearly 200 state and local newspapers over an 18-month period, I address key questions on the recursive relationship between media coverage and mobilization. Results provide support for the mobilizing influence of the media. Instead of following protest activity as post-facto news, coverage tended to precede mobilization and was its most important predictor. Second, the conservative media occupied a distinct and indirect position in impacting mobilization. Though not direct predictors of mobilization, conservative media coverage was a strong predictor of subsequent coverage in the broader media. Further, this influence was asymmetrical, with the general media having no impact on conservative media. Finally, results suggest that the conservative frame of “liberal media bias” enabled a unique mobilizing effect where negative coverage in the broader media increased mobilization. These findings shed light on the dynamic relationship between movements, protests, and the media, and that of conservative movements in particular.

Three years’ uninterrupted, official residence in Denmark enfranchises all immigrants and refugees in Danish local elections. Not all exercise this right, however. Voter turnout for ethnic minorities in the Danish cities of Aarhus and Copenhagen varies significantly according to ethnic group, according to city, and according to gender. The most significant differences emerge because of the collective mobilization of some ethnic groups in the one city or the other. Most groups are also experiencing varying degrees of individual mobilization based on social integration in Danish society. In many ethnic groups, a specific mobilization of women is observed, and young women in particular have a relatively high voter turnout.

How can we account for patterns of mobilization undertaken by ethnic movements? What leads ethnic collectives to shift between mobilization strategies? Addressing the general lack of attention in the ethnic conflict literature to the diverse political strategies employed by ethnic minorities – particularly those in democratic and semi-democratic contexts, this chapter accounts for mobilization as developing along an institutional spectrum of ethnic contention. I argue that the internal dynamics of ethnic movements shape patterns of mobilization. Utilizing literature from new institutionalism and employing the approach advanced by the study of contentious politics, ethnic movements are theorized as developing through the interplay of three causal mechanisms, which combine to form processes of institutionalization and deinstitutionalization. The process of deinstitutionalization is explored through the case of the mobilization of the Palestinian citizens of Israel, tracing the development of the three causal mechanisms and their influence on the collective’s mobilization pattern. The chapter concludes by considering the range of movements that can be explored along the institutional spectrum.

The inadequate consideration of how forms of the state variously structure politics is identified as a significant flaw in political opportunity theory. This deficiency leads to conceptual “stretching” and frustrating contradictions between research findings in the social movement literature. For political opportunities to be correctly specified, differences in the mobilization contexts across democracies and non-democracies must be explicitly addressed. This article suggests how the institutional differences between democracies and non-democracies influence the prospect, form, and impact of social mobilization against the state. It also suggests the crucial role of social networks for mobilization in non-democracies. A reformulation of the research problem and a set of sensitizing propositions based on the theoretical reconceptualization are offered.

By drawing on the research paradigm of collective action that occurs in physical space, the present study aims to explore the antecedent predictors of network social mobilization – feeling of injustice – and discuss the emotional mechanism of this prediction: mediating effect of anger and resentment.

Micro-blog postings about network social mobilization were collected to develop the dictionary of codes of fairness, anger and resentment. Then, according to the dictionary, postings on Sina Weibo were coded and analyzed.

The feeling of injustice predicted network social mobilization directly. The predictive value was 27% and 33%, respectively during two analyses. The feeling of injustice also predicted social mobilization indirectly via anger and resentment. In other words, anger and resentment account for the active mechanism in which the feeling of injustice predicts network social mobilization. Mediating effect value was 29.63% and 33.33% respectively.

This study is our first exploration to use python language to collect data from human natural language pointing on micro-blog, a large number of comments of netizen about certain topic were crawled, but a small portion of the comments could be coded into analyzable data, which results in a doubt of the reliability of the study. Therefore, we should put the established model under further testing.

In the cyberspace, this study confirms the mechanism of network social mobilization, expands and enriches the research on social mobilization and deepens the understanding of social mobilization.

This study provides an empirical evidence to understand the network social mobilization, and it gives us the clue to control the process of network social mobilization.

This study uses the Python language to write Web crawlers to obtain microblog data and analyze the microblog content for word segmentation and matching thesaurus. It has certain innovation.

Enterprise mobilization refers to the provision by an enterprise of the means for its employees to update information at any time and any place through the use of a wireless network system and related equipment. The implementation of enterprise mobilization can be separated into two main methods, non‐enforceable and enforceable. Non‐enforceable implementation refers to those situations where, although an enterprise encourages its employees to use a mobilized system, it does not enforce such use, whereas the reverse is true in the case of enforceable methods. Aims to examine this situation.

Since this is a relatively new research topic with very little previous research having been undertaken in this area, this paper employs a triangulation. This method enables integration of both quantitative and qualitative data, to investigate the critical success factors (CSFs) for the implementation of non‐enforceable mobilization by enterprises. The data were collected by means of in‐depth interviews with corporate managers and specialists from 29 enterprises and comprise 126 samples of employees currently using mobilization systems.

The study reveals a total of six CSFs for the implementation of non‐enforceable mobilization by enterprises, comprising: cooperation with a good solution “value added reseller”; appropriate planning and the support of senior management; user participation and minimization of any resistance to the installation of the system; open communication channels; enhancement of the understanding of mobilization itself and of employee requirements; and effective mobilization equipment.

This paper will be of interest to organizations looking to implement a wireless network system. The results provided can be used as references for industry and businesses in general, to support their decision‐making processes concerning the introduction of mobilization.

The practical application of enterprise mobilization is the use of a wireless network system and equipment to allow employees to update information on demand. This study employs a case study method, using in‐depth interviews of 29 corporate managers and experts to understand the current state of mobilization in the life insurance industry. The study suggests a conceptual framework for mobilization in the life insurance industry, and formulates possible research propositions incorporating a number of variables. The study also suggests a total of ten key success factors for the implementation of mobilization in the life insurance industry.

Knowledge-based work is growing at a significant pace in the context of large organizations. As a consequence, use and transfer of knowledge are considered important activities of knowledge mobilization. Existing literature suggests that there is an increasing gap in the understanding of roles and typical responsibilities in knowledge mobilization. The purpose of this article is to examine how roles enable knowledge mobilization in large organizations.

A qualitative research design was used where three large organizations representing multiple sectors were selected to study roles that enable the mobilization of organizational knowledge.

This study explains the understanding of five roles and their typical responsibilities to enable the mobilization of knowledge in large organizations – knowledge mentor, broker, taxonomist, content editor, and gatekeeper. These roles foster collaboration and communication activities within and between teams enabling knowledge mobilization.

The authors acknowledge the limitations of this paper. Although the recognized roles provide valuable insights with respect to mobility of knowledge, it does not specify how each role can be assessed in terms of performance. Another limitation is that these roles were studied in the context of large-scale organizations where knowledge work is central to their performance.

This study ' s findings suggest that there is a strong need for management to recognize and value roles and responsibilities to realize organizational knowledge mobilization.

This chapter examines the potential corelation between technologically led changes in media ecologies and changes in mediated mobilisation compared to the traditional forms of citizen mobilisation, namely political protest mobilisation. Based on previous empirical research on the Aganaktismenoi movement (Zestanaki, 2019), I investigate the effect this new form of mass mobilisation has on participants' political sophistication with an emphasis on the measurable indication or political efficacy, a recognised political communication tool. I argue that mobilising large crowds within an ideological void enabled by the heavily mediatised current environment is becoming a challenging democratic endeavour. This approach opens new possibilities for a multiparadigm, more advanced research on media sociology and political communication, from a critical intellectual perspective.

“Guantánamo lawyers” are a variegated group of lawyers from diverse practice settings, backgrounds, and beliefs. Drawing from interview and archival data, this chapter explores why these lawyers have mobilized to work on Guantánamo matters. What processes engender “heterogeneous mobilization” (i.e., mobilization from different practice settings, and diverse professional, as well as political backgrounds, and beliefs) of lawyers? What are the impacts of such mobilization on the work of lawyers? Adopting a social movement lens and a contemporary historical perspective, this chapter identifies lawyers’ perceptions of their role vis-à-vis the “rule of law” as the most significant cross-cutting motivation for participation. The overlap in human rights orientation of legal nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the legal academy, and the corporate pro bono practice at top law firms, facilitates collaborative lawyering between lawyers. Despite some potential limitations of such collaborations, heterogeneous mobilization appears to contribute, at least in the case of Guantánamo, to a greater likelihood of resistance by lawyers to the retreat from individual rights in the name of national security.