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The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of social movements engendered by the Arab Spring crisis on the relationship between corporate social responsibility disclosure (CSRD) and corporate governance attributes, particularly board composition, considering the importance of governance after the Arab Spring event.

Content analysis was used to examine the extent and nature of CSRD in annual reports of Jordanian companies listed on the Amman Stock Exchange covering the period 2009–2016. A dynamic regression model using panel data is then undertaken for a sample of 114 listed companies over the period to analyse the potential impact of board composition on the level of CSRD.

The results reveal that there was a significant increase in the level of CSRD post-the Arab Spring crisis; and that governance appears to be a key driver. Specifically, board age, directors educated in business and/or accounting-related fields and foreign members are found to have a significant positive relationship with CSRD.

Looking at the Arab region pre- and after the Arab Spring helps to complete the global picture of how company governance can lead to improved CSR performance. Specifically, this region has been behind in developing rules and codes that include CSR. The results show that having a diverse board, with directors with expertise specific to the context, increases the effectiveness of stakeholder management through CSRD. The results, therefore, offer valuable insights for companies, policymakers and for the development of regulations.

This paper aims to investigate the impact of governance quality on total unemployment in general and female unemployment in particular in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, comparing the post-Arab Spring period to the pre-Arab Spring era.

A fixed-effects model was used to analyze data from 15 MENA countries from 2002 to 2019.

Our results generally indicate that following the Arab Spring, an enhancement in governance quality is linked with a reduction in unemployment in the MENA region, specifically in the Levant and GCC regions, with this reducing effect being stronger for female unemployment compared to total unemployment. Yet, this trend does not hold in North Africa, where government improvements do not result in better employment.

This study uniquely uncovers the different effects of governance quality on unemployment across sub-regions and sheds light on its significant implications on female unemployment. The findings offer valuable insights for policymakers interested in the relationship between governance quality and economic outcomes in the region.

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-12-2022-0826

A host of studies have assessed the determinants of bank liquidity creation, highlighting the relevance of macroeconomic and microeconomic factors. However, whether and how social unrest impacts bank liquidity creation remains a moot issue. To inform this debate, this study aims to exploit bank-level data for Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries covering the period 2010–2019 to assess the interlinkage between social unrest and bank liquidity creation.

In view of the staggered inception of social unrest across MENA countries, the author uses a difference-in-differences specification to tease out the causal impact.

The findings reveal that the Arab Spring improves liquidity creation after onboarding after confounding factors. This impact differs across conventional and Islamic banks and differs across asset side (market) and liability side (funding) liquidity creation. The evidence also underscores the positive real effects of such liquidity creation on real economic output.

This is one of the early studies exploiting a large sample of MENA banks to examine this issue in a systematic manner.

The purpose of this study is to cover the change that happened in the American foreign policy toward Iran by changing the American leadership from Obama to Trump. In addition to its coverage for the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region during the presidency period of Obama in the USA and also during the presidency period of Trump, to discover whether a change has happened in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region is a result of the change in the American foreign policy or not. This can be discovered by concentrating on Yemen, Syria and Iraq, taking into consideration the Iranian and American national interests in the Arab region, as well as the regional role of Iran and its intervention in the Arab region.

This study was based on the analytical method of the foreign policy that is based on analyzing facts and events, as well as analyzing the roles and interests within the framework of the states’ foreign policy. This method was used in the study for the purpose of analyzing the impact of the change in the American leadership from Obama to Trump on the US foreign policy toward Iran in the light of the American interest; in addition to the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region (Yemen, Syria and Iraq) in the presidency period of both Obama and Trump in light of the regional role of Iran and its passion to achieve its national interest.

The study concluded that the change in the American foreign policy toward Iran is a result of the change of the American leadership from Obama to Trump by the American interest requirements in accordance to the respective of both of them. The change in the American policy led to a change in the trends of the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region in the term of the regional Iranian role. Under the American and Iranian convergence in the period of Obama, the Iranian role in the Arab region was limited to what could achieve its national interest and what did not threaten the American interest, especially after Iran had guaranteed that the USA is by its side. In the framework of the American and Iranian confrontation under Trump’s current presidency, the Iranian role has expanded in the Arab region, where Iran has intensified its intervention in Yemen, Syria and Iraq politically and militarily. Iran became more threatening to the American interest, as it became a means of pressure to the USA under Trump’s ruling in the purpose of changing its position toward it.

The importance of the study stems from the fact that it is seeking to analyze the change of the American foreign policy toward Iran within the period of two different presidential years of Obama and Trump, whereas, their trends were different in dealing with Iran between rapprochement and hostility toward it, on the basis of the American interest. In addition to testing whether this change in the American foreign policy toward Iran has been accompanied by a change in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region.

This paper aims to examine the effect of push and pull factors motivating international students to study abroad as two pre-departure factors to their mobility decision; and the effect of two post-departure factors – cultural distance and academic/university environment – on international students’ adjustment.

Data were collected from 339 international students studying in Egypt. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to assess the effect of the independent variables on two facets of adjustment, the cultural adjustment and the academic adjustment.

The descriptive studies showed differences in level of adjustments, where the academic adjustment was higher than the cultural adjustment. Moreover, the SEM results have confirmed the significant role of all studied variables on general cultural adjustment; and all variables except for the push factors, on interaction cultural adjustment; and the effect of only push and academic environment on academic adjustment.

This paper is an attempt to extend the work on international students’ mobility via identifying the main pre-departure and the post-departure factors affecting their decision to study in Egypt and the interplay of those factors in shaping their level of adjustment. This study is among a relatively limited attempts in the field that would link push and pull motivational factors to level of adjustment and via detecting the effects on two different adjustments dimensions: the cultural and the academic dimensions; and within an under researched context as Egypt.

While most West European nations were formed around pre-existing entities that could be called “countries” before the modern age, this was not the case in the Middle East. Some entities, like Egypt, did have a clear political and cultural identity before colonialism, others, like Algeria, did not. This chapter discusses the four states of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, through the perspective of “country creation” going into and coming out of colonial rule. We can see here two “models” of fairly similar types of historical development, one showing a gradual process through a protectorate period to relatively stable modern nations, another through violent conquest and direct colonization ending in violent liberation and military and wealthy but fragile states. The article asks whether these models for the history of country creation and the presence or absence of pre-colonial identities can help explain the modern history and nature of these states in the Arab Spring and the years thereafter. Then, a more tentative attempt is made to apply these models to two countries of the Arab east, Syria and Iraq. While local variations ensure that no model can be transferred directly, it can show the importance of studying the historical factors that go into the transition from geographical region to a country with people that can form the basis of a nation.

This study aims to test the contagion effect of the Tunisian revolution on the Egyptian stock market. Thus, the purpose of this research is to distinguish the contagion effect from the simple interdependence between these markets.

This paper examines the contagion hypothesis between Tunisia and Egypt during the Arab Spring, using a DCC-MGARCH model to capture time-varying contagion effects and dynamic linkages in stock markets. Therefore, to identify the contagion effect from the simple interdependence, the authors apply the pure contagion test developed by Forbes and Rigobon (2002).

The findings indicate a contagion effect, as the EGX 30 index exhibited similar changes, positive or negative, as the Tunindex index during the period of the Tunisian revolution. Moreover, the analysis demonstrates the presence of an interdependence between the Tunisian revolution and the Egyptian market, emphasizing the interconnections between these two economies.

The findings provide investors with a better understanding of financial market dynamics in times of major political unrest, notably on the Tunisian and Egyptian markets. By understanding the contagion effect of the Tunisian revolution on the Egyptian stock market, investors can further explore the complexities of these markets in times of financial crises, which can help mitigate losses and identify strategic investment opportunities.

This study makes two significant contributions to the field. First, it addresses the scarcity of research specifically focused on the contagion effect during the Arab Spring, aiming to fill this gap by testing the contagion effect of the Tunisian revolution on a nearby market. Second, it extends the contagion test of Forbes and Rigobon (2002), which associates “pure” contagion with a significantly higher correlation between markets during a crisis.

This chapter discusses the extension of legal equality between male and female citizens in four states in North Africa – Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco and Algeria – through one specific lens: A married woman's legal capacity to initiate and obtain divorce without the husband's consent. Building on the works of Stein Rokkan and Reinhard Bendix on the expansion of citizenship to the ‘lower classes’, it is argued that amendments in divorce law by introducing in-court divorce for women, in addition to out-of-court divorce, is a significant institutional change that extends legal equality between men and women. The introduction of in-court divorce expands female citizenship by bolstering woman's juridical autonomy and capacity in state law. Changes in divorce laws are thus part of state centralization by means of standardizing rules that regulate family law through public administrative institutions rather than religious organizations. Two questions are addressed: First, how did amendments in divorce laws occur after independence? Second, in which ways did women's bolstered legal capacity in divorce have a spill over effect on reforms in other patriarchal state laws? Based on observations on sequences of change in four states in North Africa, it is argued that amendments that equalize between men and women in divorce should be seen as a key driver for reforms in other state laws, that reduce legal inequality between male and female citizens. In all four states, women's citizenship was extended in nationality law and criminal law after amendments in divorce law gave women unilateral legal power to exit a marital relationship.