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From 2000 to 2021, the Malaysian corruption perception index demonstrated a declining tendency, identifying Malaysia as a highly corrupt nation. Corruption in the nation has become a social cancer that has impacted the workplace and political climate. Using Dewey’s (1937) theory of education and social change, this paper argues that anti-corruption education is a tool for reforming the corruption culture of a nation. Consequently, the purpose of this study is to explore and understand the current anti-corruption education in Malaysian educational institutions.

The results of this study were derived from a qualitative content analysis of 20 Google News articles, an interview with the sole implementation agency, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) and a literature assessment of MACC publications. Due to a dearth of preceding study and journal publications on the topic, this type of qualitative content analysis of news has been applied in prior studies.

The results indicate that anti-corruption education has been implemented in the primary, secondary and higher education institutions in Malaysia. Nonetheless, the concept and implementation are inadequate, superficial and insufficient. The analysis advises more inclusive techniques for delivering anti-corruption education for social transformation.

Prior research has focussed on laws and regulations to prosecute the corrupt, but has underrated the ability of education to alter the corruption culture. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first journal paper, written on anti-corruption education in Malaysia. This study sets the way for further anti-corruption education studies in the future. This line of research will provide insights for the nation’s policymaking, which aims to create a nation free of corruption and capable of sustaining itself.

The significant role of anti-corruption compliance should be encouraged to create good business and investment climate. Especially, in the circumstances of higher number of bribery and corruption cases, whilst preparing for Asian Economic Community, the necessary actions to reduce the financial crime and economic crime should be fostered into all aspects of business activities. To reduce bribery and corruption cases in Indonesia, National Integrity System as part of National Strategy on Corruption Prevention and Eradication is urged to be conducted. With the implementation of National Integrity System among all public or governmental institutions and private institutions, the institutions itself will be strengthened. National Integrity System should be implemented through all the people, process and technology in the organizations. So, at the end, the purpose of this paper is to prevent any financial crime, particularly in the Indonesian anti-corruption regime.

This paper explores and analyzes anti-bribery regulations and the important role of National Integrity System as the prevention approach to build anti-corruption compliance in Indonesia.

The National Integrity System and Anti-Corruption Compliance can be viewed as important elements for preventing any financial crime. The new perspective is needed for all of the public institutions and private institutions to build and implement National Integrity System in all business activities. Furthermore, all of business society has a significant role of developing the sustainable good business environment in Indonesia. Encouraging National Integrity System in every business sector is also a way to achieve the last purpose, which is to strengthen economic competitiveness.

The paper can be a source to explore about the National Integrity System and Anti-Corruption Compliance based on Indonesia perspectives.

This paper gives contributions by encouraging the public and private institutions to build anti-corruption compliance by implementing National Integrity System within their organizational culture to prevent financial crime and lead to sustainable economic growth.

This study aims to investigate the determinants of anti-corruption disclosures by construction firms in Asia-Pacific countries.

The sample comprises construction companies from seven Asia-Pacific countries from 2015 to 2019. The authors hand-collected data on anti-corruption disclosures by using content analysis.

This study provides empirical evidence that government ownership, country-level accounting competence and high-quality auditors increase companies’ anti-corruption disclosures. Meanwhile, this study finds that uncertainty avoidance does not affect companies’ anti-corruption disclosures.

This study has a number of implications. First, government and professional accountant organizations need to improve accountants’ knowledge and competence through education, training and continuous professional development. Second, public accounting firms need to ensure the quality of their auditors, particularly in the technical competence in financial and nonfinancial reporting. Finally, universities must improve and update their curriculum regarding nonfinancial reporting issues.

This study is among the first to examine anti-corruption disclosure practices in the most corrupted settings, i.e. the construction industry in Asia-Pacific countries. It uses the isomorphism perspective to explain the influence of government ownership, country-level accounting competence and high-quality auditors on anti-corruption disclosure transparency. The number of prior studies investigating this association is very limited. Moreover, disclosures of anti-corruption information are complex and sensitive; thus, coercive, normative and mimetic pressures are required to achieve higher transparency and sustainability.

Since South Korea gained a substantial degree of political and economic development, the South Korean government has tried to eradicate corruption by introducing institutional frameworks in addition to a number of new laws and institutions. As a matter of fact, the Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index score of South Korea is improving over time, but it still far behind other leading countries. The purpose of this chapter is to review the South Korean government's efforts at curbing corruption. This chapter first reviews the development of major anti-corruption infrastructure such as the anti-corruption legislation and the South Korean government's independent agency for anti-corruption, followed by discussion of the development of major anti-corruption measures, the international evaluation on corruption, and the role of civil society in curbing corruption. After that, there is a discussion of policy implications and the conclusion.

The objective of this chapter is to explore the anti-corruption practices in Indonesian CSR best practice companies using the institutional theory. The methodology was based on focus group interview involving 10 CSR best practice companies; it was undertaken to obtain broader perspectives on anti-corruption practices. All respondent companies were involving their employees in anti-corruption practices in many ways. This study found that the institutionalization of anti-corruption practices is derived from both normative and mimetic isomorphism. Greater emphasis on integrating anti-corruption practices into CSR best practices would assist in enhancing awareness of the importance of anti-corruption practices, which in turn would improve the level of company’s trust and reliability. The anti-corruption practices in Indonesian CSR-based practice companies are applicable for general business activities and not specifically on CSR activities, such as charitable, sponsorship, donation, and community involvement. This is the first qualitative study that explores the anti-corruption practices in Indonesian companies. The study is important as corruption issues have been widely discussed in this country, and the Government is putting great efforts to combat corruption. Thus, this study brings valuable implications and insights to both academic and practical areas.

This chapter deals with the question of how anti-corruption norms can emerge in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes that actively suppress social dissent and protest. The chapter examines the capacity of Russian opposition movements to create a sustained anti-corruption discourse and to shape political governance. When it comes to addressing corruption through social action in the context of Russia, the situation does not often seem conducive to concerted opposition activity. Nevertheless, even though opposition movements repeatedly fail to impact political decision-making or elite practices, they are not exercises in futility. The chapter concludes that the anti-corruption discourse can be effectively utilized by the Russian opposition movements to unite its efforts and vocalize their demands in terms of democratic governance norms. Continually repressive governmental measures are creating dangerous public spaces, where massive and violent confrontations are increasingly likely to occur. As the opposition continues to find its voice, challenge elite corruption and vocalize its desires for democratic governance norms, the continuing demands for policies to be reflective of public interest (rather than interests of the powerful elites) will not abate. The anti-corruption discourse can play a powerful unifying role for the opposition given the endemic nature of corruption in today’s Russia.

Corruption and anti-corruption are two often studied topics in social sciences today and often highly debated issues in both the national and international political arena. They are important in the context of democratization and democratic consolidation as they include the idea of a government that serves its citizens in a transparent manner, and tie with it notions of social and political trust. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the relationship between anti-corruption policies and social and political trust and hypothesizes that anti-corruption policies have a desired positive effect on social and political trust in settings with low and moderate levels of corruption, whereas they have no effect in highly corrupt settings.

The study uses regression analysis and includes all world democracies (33) for which complete data are available for a period of nine years (2005-2014).

Results indicate that anti-corruption policies have the expected results on social trust: in low to moderately corrupt countries, the effect is positive, while it disappears in highly corrupt countries. There are no significant effects on political trust.

While the results are mixed, they point to the importance of studying further the relationship.

This study is important because it questions the effect of anti-corruption policies that are assumed to have particular effects on corruption. It is also the first study to analyze the effect on such policies on social and political trust in democracies.

The purpose of this paper is to explain why Singapore has succeeded in curbing corruption and to recommend three measures for enhancing South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy.

The paper compares the contextual differences between Singapore and South Korea before analysing Singapore’s effective anti-corruption strategy and identifying the weaknesses of South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy.

Singapore’s success in minimising corruption is the result of its government’s strong political will and the adequate budget, personnel and operational autonomy given to the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau to enable it to enforce the anti-corruption laws impartially. To improve South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy, the Korea Anti-Corruption Agency should be established and adequately staffed and funded to investigate corruption cases. Those found guilty of corruption offences should be punished according to the law, without suspending their jail sentences or being pardoned by the president. Finally, the existing public outreach anti-corruption programmes should be evaluated to identify their weaknesses and improve their effectiveness.

This paper recommends three measures for South Korean policy-makers to improve their anti-corruption strategy by learning from Singapore’s success.

Despite an intensified anti-corruption campaign, China's economic growth and social transition continue to breed loopholes and opportunities for big corruption, leading to a money-oriented mentality and the collapse of ethical standards, and exposing the communist regime to greater risk of losing moral credibility and political trust. In Hong Kong, the setting up of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in 1974 marked the advent of a new comprehensive strategy to eradicate corruption and to rebuild trust in government. The ICAC was not just an anti-corruption enforcement agency per se, but an institution spearheading and representing integrity and governance transformation. This chapter considers how mainland China can learn from Hong Kong's experience and use the fight against corruption as a major political strategy to win the hearts and minds of the population and reform governance in the absence of more fundamental constitutional reforms, in a situation similar to Hong Kong's colonial administration of the 1970s–1980s deploying administrative means to minimize a political crisis.