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This article employs a system analytic framework to categorize the available research literature on the politics of education in order to explain the inter‐relationship of private and public interests and of different levels in primary and secondary American schools. The objectives are several: to explain and develop the analytical framework of David Easton; to illustrate its heuristic utility by categorizing empirically‐based research within the components of that framework, and to suggest and encourage future research directions in the subject. Education has escaped application of traditional policy analysis in America because educators have convinced scholars and laymen that they are “non‐political,” a label which even most political scientists have accepted without challenge. However, during the 1960s, a few scholars in education and political science began to apply political analytical methods to public school conflict. This research has begun to change perceptions of education and to provide a beginning set of research projects whose data support tentative generalization about the policy‐making process and the total system of public schools. This orientation is bound to increase because of increasing national government intervention in local schools, both through integration and financial policies. These have provoked growing conflict locally over the proper direction of school policies. In this article, we see how such stress is transmitted in the form of “demands” and “supports” into the “political system”, that persistent social mechanism known in all societies in different forms provides an “authoritative allocation of values and resources”. The political system, in this case public school bodies, “converts” such “inputs” into “outputs” of public policy, which in their administration create outcomes which later cause a “feedback” into the political system as the material for new policy demands. For each component of this Eastonian system, this article examines relevant research, providing an extensive annotated bibliography. From this review, it is possible to suggest lines of needed research.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the rhetoric and reality of the impact of political blogs in the specific context of American politics, where online, mainstream media and academic accounts suggest blogs have had significant impacts on political communication.

This paper examines three high profile events in which blogging has been implicated as particularly influential, and re‐evaluates them in the context of established political science approaches. These events are the resignation of Trent Lott in 2002; Howard Dean's presidential campaign of 2003‐2004; and the Connecticut primary challenge to Joe Lieberman in the 2006 Senate mid‐term elections.

Re‐evaluating these cases in the context of established theories of American politics suggests that the perception of blogs as a progressive new force, that can be decisive in a politician's success or failure, is an over‐optimistic and over‐simplified interpretation of the nature and consequences of this new form of political communication.

This paper provides a much needed first step in integrating the rhetoric of commentary on blogs in American politics with established political science, allowing for a more balanced and contextual consideration of the political roles of blogs than that provided by the blogosphere and its proponents to date.

Elazar’s typology of political cultures is examined. From his categorization of jurisdictions with aspects of 'moralistic' political cultures, five are selected: Wisconsin, Michigan, New York, Connecticut, and France. Their recent political history is examined and it is demonstrated that these 'moralistic' type polities have abandoned policies which formerly condemned or at least contained legalized gambling. Instead each has responded to commercial pressures for expanded gambling. The reasons why ‘moralistic’ values in making decisions in this arena have been cast aside are examined. The reasons include an international cross-polity homogenization of political cultures, a blurring of the meaning of ‘moralistic’ in today’s politics, and above all, severe economic crises that take precedence over other values.

This paper critically analyzes the International Olympic Committee's 2000 global marketing campaign titled “Celebrate Humanity”. Released prior to the 2000 Summer Games, this campaign capitalized on recent cultural trends by focusing on multicultural inclusivity and the idea that sport could contribute to world peace. Using this campaign as our case study, we demonstrate the possibilities for both local consumption and interpretation of a global campaign within the specific cultural context of the United States.

Popular accounts of the labor movement suggest that unions have become weak organizations. There are, however, trends that indicate laborʼs political power has not waned in recent years. Using data from multiple sources, the results in this study indicate: (1) despite declines in union density, the percentage of union households has remained steady for two decades; (2) unions continue to produce a strong Democratic vote from its membership, even from its white male members; (3) unions are among the top campaign contributors and spenders in American elections; (4) unions hold significant influence among congressional Democrats and have made gains at the state and local level; and (5) public opinion of labor unions has remained consistently positive for several decades.

It is, of course, Aristotle who pointed out that “Man is by nature a political animal” (quotation taken from Lipset, 1981:vii). One could of course speculate whether he meant only the male half of the human species were political animals. It is, however, the case that men tend to participate more in politics than women. This particular study focuses upon men and women's political participation in Greece, the place many regard as the birthplace of democracy.

The passage of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act of 1988 has allowed Native American tribes a new form of revenue generation. This new source of revenue facilitates entry into the U.S. political system and furthers the attainment of self-governance and economic development goals on reservations as demonstrated through educational achievement. While several works exist regarding benefits reaped by indigenous populations in the United States as a whole, the academic literature regarding the impact of reservation gaming on educational achievement is sorely lacking for Arizona. This study evaluates the role of Indian gaming revenue as a catalyst for self-governance, by answering the question: has the passage of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act of 1988 made a difference in educational achievement for Native American tribes in the State of Arizona? The outcomes of this study will prove beneficial to Public Administration as evidence of the impacts of reservation gaming and its consequent policy externalities will enhance policy makers’ ability to implement and maintain an effective policy regarding Native American education achievement.

In the 1960s those on the political left flattered themselves that the vast number of publications by socialists, anarchists, feminists, and other groups on that wing of the political spectrum were evidence of the rich intellectual life of the struggle to create a progressive America. Conversely, the lack of publishing by the right was evidence of a general lack of intelligence. But that was then, and this is most certainly now. The right in America has moved from margin to center over the last two decades, vindicating former Attorney General John Mitchell's boast that “the country is going so far to the right that you won't recognize it.”

China's experience of investing in Latin America in one of the main sectors included in the BRI architecture, railways, has faced significant challenges: only one of four Chinese potential railway projects in Latin America has materialised. The purpose of this paper is to explore these challenges and to provide an explanation focusing on the importance of the “domestic politics” factor.

The paper proposes a comparative study of four cases, developing a qualitative analysis based on an in-depth review of the literature and primary and secondary sources of information.

The findings suggest that domestic politics played a significant role in the outcomes of the Brazil–Peru Bi-Oceanic railway (changes in government), in Argentina's Belgrano Cargas modernisation project (multiple “domestic politics” factors, such as a presidential campaign), in Venezuela's failed Tinaco-Anaco high-speed train project (authoritarian turn/country's stability) and in Mexico's Querétaro-Ciudad de México high-speed train project (corruption and popular contestation). The paper suggests that one should not expect an easy or fast projection of the BRI in the region, at least in the short- and mid-term, because becoming familiar with the domestic politics of Latin American is a complex and gradual task.

The particular impact of the political risks related to domestic politics in the Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Latin America has not been extensively explored, especially in the railway sector. This paper intends to contribute to this literature gap by analysing four cases of Chinese investment in railways in Latin America, an area that has received little attention in the studies of the Chinese FDI in the region, and proposing an explanation of their outcomes focusing on the “domestic politics” factor.

The purpose of this paper to understand why some members of Congress have more Instagram followers, and why some Congressional Instagram posts receive more likes and comments.

This study is based on a content analysis of every Instagram post shared by all members of Congress who were seated for the first six months of the 115th Congress (17,811 posts in all). Information was collected at both the account level, as well as at the level of the individual post. Variables were then created to predict a member's followers and a post's likes and comments using a series of regression models.

This paper finds that factors capturing real world influence best explain why some members have more followers on Instagram. Senators, members who have served longer in office, past or future presidential candidates, Congressional leaders and ideological extremists all had significantly more followers. This paper also shows that personal content such as family photos, personal photos, selfies and pet photos produces significantly more user responses, while impersonal content like text based posts produces fewer.

This paper offers a general understanding of how anyone might maximize their user engagement on Instagram.

Little published research has studied how politicians use Instagram. This paper expands previous work examining influence on Twitter and Facebook. Further, these findings shed light on broader issues, including how social media reinforces existing power biases, and on the increasing trend towards personalization in American politics.