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Higher education has become a more active sector in most of countries recently. Facing a more globalized society and a more competitive scenario, institutions all over the world are transforming and improving diverse strategies of internationalization to provide innovative experiences to students and professors. Therefore, the main objective of this chapter is to describe the strategies of internationalization at Universidad de Monterrey (UDEM) Mexico such as mobility of students and professor, institutional culture, curriculum, strategic alliances but the most important, international collaboration at classrooms. UDEM is a private higher institution with more international experiences in student mobility in Mexico, and the first with more collaborative online international learning (COIL) projects in Latin America. Using a qualitative research method, this chapter demonstrates that UDEM’s strategies of internationalization both, abroad and at home, transformed actions, functions, and processes at UDEM impacting the quality and experience of education. These strategies have impacted students positively. Besides, these strategies of internationalization have the potential to be replicated in other higher education institutions (HEIs).

The struggle against torture and institutional violence has to be practiced in numerous scenarios: in the very places of deprivation of liberty, against workers, administrations and judges who try to hide it or justify it, but also, it’s a struggle against an academy that, too often, has decided to look the other way. In order to be activist, criminology must leave the classroom and enter the places of deprivation of liberty. It must engage with victims and survivors and it has to make political and social denunciations, organising itself and weaving networks with other social organisations that fight for the same goal. Unfortunately, it also has to fight against the very obstacles that the criminal justice system institutions pose; the denunciations and persecution of these same institutions and some police and prison workers groups and unions; the dirty war against terrorism and political dissent; and the criminalisation of some mass media and also of the academic world, where activism against this phenomenon is a minority and marginalised. These two sides of the same coin, involvement in anti-torture activist movements, as well as persecution and criminalisation when challenging state power, is what the authors of this chapter have experienced in Catalonia and Spain. While we fight against torture outside the classroom, we also carry out activism inside the classroom, teaching what other academics do not want to engage with, and pointing out the political elements of criminology and the action of the penal system. In this chapter, the authors highlight the use of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment in custody and prison, and in the context of police activity in Spain. Then, the authors explain the structures of denial (political, judicial and academic) that allow its perpetuation and impunity. The text ends with a journey through the configuration of activist criminology in Spain that unites critical analysis from a legal sociology perspective with collective and activist intervention.

In this chapter, we analyse the role of women in armed Basque nationalist and separatist terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) from a gender perspective. ETA women were essential agents in the armed conflict, but their image in the mass media and society has been very different from that of their male colleagues (Rodríguez Lara, 2017). Also, their role in the terrorist gang has described a sexually based functional specialisation. In addition, this chapter seeks to contribute to the area of feminist studies on women and political violence. Women's role in one of the most important armed nationalist groups in Europe, ETA, stands as a suitable case study to understand how the mass media (press, journalism), audiovisual content, and social representations of ETA have portrayed these women. The final conclusion of this chapter is that women were not portrayed in the same way as their male colleagues. Women of ETA were doubly penalised because they were women and because they were terrorists.

Mexico is a large, culturally and linguistically diverse country. More than half of its population lives below the poverty line, a fifth is of indigenous origin, and 5% have a disability. This chapter offers a brief description of the general characteristics of the country and the legislative changes toward inclusion and presents the status and progress toward the 2030 Agenda educational goals toward inclusive education. Although efforts have been made to improve the quality of education and inclusion, the country's complexities: poverty, cultural diversity, and political adjustments, among others, have held back progress, as will be explained in this chapter.