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Corporations are now taking stands on contemporary and controversial social issues that share no obvious connection to the corporations’ business practices. At the same time, political polarization continues to intensify, which begs the question: Are these corporate stands – referred to as corporate social advocacy (CSA) – and political polarization related to each other, and if so, how? The purpose of this study is to provide a conceptualization of the connections between CSA and political polarization through a series of propositions that can be tested in subsequent research studies. Corporations have influence in society, and the ways in which they communicate on controversial social issues could further intensify or help assuage political polarization. Conversely, political polarization may be causing CSA in the first place, which would put into question the legitimacy and desirability of CSA because of the environment from which CSA is cultivated.

This study is designed to be conceptual, and the approach is based on theory building.

The study conceptualizes the relationship between CSA and political polarization to be symbiotic because both are bidirectional causes of each other. Engagement in CSA is also argued to be positively associated with perceptions that corporations contain particular political ideologies, i.e. more “liberal-leaning” or “conservative-leaning.” This study also predicts that – dependent on particular conditions – CSA will also lead to an increase in both boycotts and skepticism.

This study will contribute to scholars’, practitioners’ and consumers’ understanding of the causes and effects of CSA. The way in which political polarization is potentially causing CSA puts into question the legitimacy of corporations engaging in CSA in the first place. If CSA is cultivated in the soil of political polarization, is CSA desirable for corporations? Conversely, the way in which CSA is potentially causing political polarization also puts the legitimacy of CSA into question. If CSA is causing political polarization, is CSA desirable for society?

Corporations are an influential part of society, and thus will influence how society views controversial social issues. If the predictions in this study hold, corporations will play an important role in either intensifying or reducing political polarization, and political polarization will also play an important role in how corporations communicate about CSA issues.

Research focused on CSA is burgeoning, yet limited studies have examined how CSA and political polarization interact. Although there could be positive aspects of corporate involvement in CSA, this study examines some of the potential negative aspects of corporate involvement in CSA. Future research will also be able to test the propositions proposed in this study.

Against the background of actively promoting the reform of mixed ownership in China, this study regards government ownership in private sector enterprises (PSEs) as an important political connection mechanism and examines private holding listed companies in high-polluting industries that sold China A-shares from 2012 to 2019.

Using regression models such as Tobit and negative binomial estimation, the research empirically examines the impact of government ownership in PSEs on the corporate fulfillment of their environmental responsibilities.

Government ownership can effectively promote PSEs to fulfill their environmental responsibilities. Government ownership, as a corporate-level political connection mechanism, enables the government to provide firms with more environmental protection subsidies and environmental tax incentives, encouraging firms to fulfill their environmental responsibilities. When considering the policy risks faced by PSEs, government ownership effectively reduces the impact of policy uncertainty on firms’ fulfillment of environmental responsibilities. Additionally, verifying the economic development level of the city in which the firm is located makes the positive impact of government ownership on fulfillment of environmental responsibilities of PSEs in regions with lower economic development levels more significant.

Unlike existing studies that generally use the personal political identity of entrepreneurs to measure the political connections of PSEs, this study regards government ownership in PSEs as an important political connection mechanism. It provides a useful reference for China to formulate environmental protection policies for PSEs.

The paper aims to investigate the impact of political connections and board ethnicity on the value relevance of earnings and book value in Mauritius.

This study is based on a sample of 541 Mauritian-listed firm-year observations for 2001–2016. Financial and board diversity data have been collected using the listed firms’ annual reports and from reports published by the Stock Exchange of Mauritius. Political connection data was derived from the directory of Chief of State and Cabinet members. The research hypotheses were empirically tested using a modified Ohlson (1995) price model.

This study shows that political connections negatively impact the value relevance of earnings and book value. The authors find that firms with Franco-Mauritian directors will constrain political connections’ negative impact. The authors find contrasting results for Indo-Mauritian directors since they form an integral part of the government in Mauritius.

This study contributes to the scarce accounting literature in Mauritius. Firstly, no study has investigated the relationship between the value relevance of accounting information and political connections in Mauritius. Secondly, Mauritius’s capital market is dominated by a non-indigenous ethnic group, Franco-Mauritians, who remain the economic elite. Hence, Mauritius presents an opportunity to bring forth another important aspect in the capital market and corporate governance; diversity on the board of directors. Therefore, the study extends to the political connections and board diversity literature.

This paper examines the influence of different types of political connections and political uncertainty on earnings credibility in Pakistan. Based on discernible differences, connected firms are grouped into civil connected and military connected firms.

The authors provide evidence concerning the earnings credibility incentives of groups of political connected firms and report that their incentives are significantly different. The findings remain robust to alternate methods of earnings credibility.

The findings evidence that civil (military) connected firms report less (more) credible earnings than the control group. High political uncertainty reduces the credibility of earnings. Results for the interaction of political connections and political uncertainty variables are not significant.

The paper investigates just one aspect of Pakistan's political economy, i.e. credibility of earnings; thus, it requires to be cautious on part of readers and policymakers. To reach a clearer conclusion, earnings credibility should be ex amined in the larger context, i.e. in conjunction with rent extractions, etc. A possible extension of the paper can be to investigate the channels of rent extractions used by the two types of connected firms.

The paper has contribution for policymakers as well as users of general purpose financial reports. The findings indicate that the users of general purpose financial reports should be more careful in the use of financial information during political uncertain periods and also of politically connected firms. Furthermore, policymakers should keep the larger context at the forefront while attempting to strengthen the enforcemnet regime.

This paper adds to extant political connections literature by identifying two types of politically connected firms and report that both groups have divergent financial reporting incentives. Furthermore, political uncertainty reduces the credibility of earnings.

In the past few years, research focusing on misinformation, referred to broadly as fake news, has experienced revived attention. Past studies have focused on explaining the ways in which people correct it online and on social media. However, fewer studies have dealt with the ways in which people are able to identify fake news (i.e. fake news literacy). This study contributes to the latter by theoretically connect people’s general social media use, political knowledge and political epistemic efficacy with individuals’ fake news literacy levels.

A diverse and representative two-wave panel survey in the United States was conducted (June 2019 for Wave 1, October 2019 for Wave 2). We performed cross-sectional, lagged and autoregressive regression analyses to examined how social media us, people’s political knowledge and political epistemic efficacy are related to their fake news literacy.

Results suggest that the more people used social media, were politically knowledgeable and considered they were able to find the truth in politics (i.e. epistemic political efficacy), the more likely they were to discern whether the news is fake. Implications of helping media outlets and policy makers be better positioned to provide the public with corrective action mechanisms in the struggle against fake news are discussed.

The measurement instrument employed in the study relies on subjects’ self-assessment, as opposed to unobtrusive trace (big) digital data, which may not completely capture the nuances of people’s social media news behaviors.

This study sheds light on how the way people understand politics and gain confidence in finding political truth may be key elements when confronting and discerning fake news. With the help of these results, journalists, media outlets and policymakers may be better positioned to provide citizens with efficient, preemptive and corrective action mechanisms in the struggle against misinformation.

Recent literature highlights the importance of literacy education to contest fake news, but little is known about what specific mechanisms would contribute to foster and reinvigorate people’s fake news literacy. This study helps address this gap.

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/OIR-03-2024-0140

Deepfakes are fabricated content created by replacing an original image or video with someone else. Deepfakes have recently become commonplace in politics, posing serious challenges to democratic integrity. The advancement of AI-enabled technology and machine learning has made creating synthetic videos relatively easy. This study explores the role of political brand hate and individual moral consciousness in influencing electorates' intention to share political deepfake content.

The study creates and uses a fictional deepfake video to test the proposed model. Data are collected from N = 310 respondents in India and tested using partial least square–structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM) with SmartPLS v3.

The findings support that ideological incompatibility with the political party leads to political brand hate, positively affecting the electorates' intention to share political deepfake videos. This effect is partially mediated by users' reduced intention to verify political deepfake videos. In addition, it is observed that individual moral consciousness positively moderates the effect of political brand hate on the intention to share political deepfake videos. Intention to share political deepfake videos thus becomes a motive to seek revenge on the hated party, an expression of an individual's ideological hate and a means to preserve one's moral self-concept and strengthen their ideologies and moral beliefs.

The study expands the growing discussion about disseminating political deepfake videos using the theoretical lens of the negative consumer-brand relationship. It validates the effect of political brand hate on irrational behavior that is intended to cause harm to the hated party. Further, it provides a novel perspective that individual moral consciousness may fuel the haters' desire to engage in anti-branding behavior. Political ideological incompatibility reflects ethical reasons for brand hate. Therefore, hate among individuals with high moral consciousness serves to preserve their moral self.

This paper aims to specifically analyze the interrelationships of employee political skill and personal reputation with both workplace and non-workplace outcomes. The study further focuses on performance and career development as workplace outcomes and entrepreneurial intentions as a non-workplace outcome, while analyzing employee political skill and personal reputation.

The study uses a survey method, where multi-source data were collected in a time-lagged fashion from the employees working in the textile sector in an under-researched emerging economy setting of Pakistan.

The findings establish that political skill is a significant predictor of employee job performance, career development and entrepreneurial intentions. Moreover, the mediating role of personal reputation was confirmed for the proposed relationships. Hence, the findings highlight the contributory role of personal reputation in the enhancement of workplace and non-workplace outcomes, such as entrepreneurial intentions linked to political skill.

Despite some limitations, this paper offers theoretical implications both for political skill and indirect reciprocity literature. A vital theoretical contribution is extended by studying the mediating role of personal reputation in the main relationships analyzed in this paper. The scope of indirect reciprocity is expanded by identifying personal reputation as a vital mechanism for indirect reciprocity.

Organizations should focus on developing political skill amongst their employees, as these skills are salient for amassing a favorable reputation, that eventually leads to performance, career growth and development of entrepreneurial intentions. Organizations should put in place careful selection and coaching and mentoring programs that equip employees with such skills that eventually lead toward the alignment of employees’ personal goals and organizational goals. Employees, then, could focus on priming both organizational and personal goals.

This paper is one of the pioneering studies that specifically link employee political skill with job performance, career development and entrepreneurial intentions, especially in the relatively volatile and under-researched context of Pakistan. Another novelty of this research is the investigation of personal reputation as a psychological mechanism underlying the primary relationships proposed in this research.