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This paper aims to review how intergenerational connections and relationships have been affected to date by COVID-19. It provides lessons for the future.

This paper is a review of policy and practice.

Although there are some excellent examples of creative approaches such as online strategies to bring generations together in the face of social distancing, there remain barriers to building stronger communities. Many people of all ages remain lonely and isolated. Community projects are under-funded and will struggle to maintain connections beyond the immediate crisis. Inequalities and the digital divide have been exacerbated by COVID-19. Intergenerational relations are likely to be further strained by the economic impact.

None of us have known anything like COVID-19 and its impact on all aspects of our lives. It will continue to affect generations to come, and we need to learn the lessons as we move forward.

Intergenerational programs and practices refer to a wide range of initiatives which aim to bring people of different generations together to interact, educate, support, and provide care for one another. Insofar as there is such rapid growth in intergenerational program activity taking place at the national and international levels, it is pertinent to wonder how we can cultivate innovative, effective leaders in a variety of professional roles and settings. This article explores various conceptions about how to prepare and inspire intergenerational professionals. Beyond focusing on the set of skills and knowledge that practitioners need to function effectively, we argue that there are certain personal dispositions that are integral to leadership in this field. To illustrate how passion, what the authors call the p-factor, contributes to exemplary intergenerational practice, several examples are provided of intergenerational professionals who emanate this quality. Implications for preparing future intergenerational leaders are considered.

The term “intergenerational relations” is often used to refer to quite distinct phenomena (Kertzer, 1983). For example, the term may connote relationships across generations within the family context, or, it may connote societal‐wide relations across age strata such as the old and the young. The focus of the papers in this volume is on the first meaning of the term, on intergenerational relationships in family lineages. However, as we will note in our concluding remarks, the nature of family intergenerational relationships may have implications for age strata relations in the society.

The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how funding support for intergenerational initiatives can have a positive impact on individuals and communities. The author aims to argue that there are strong motivations for organisations and associations supported by local and national government to adopt intergenerational approaches to their work and to outline areas where need for future work remains.

The paper describes learning gained from initiatives supported through a four‐year funding programme by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. Highlighting research by a range of parties on the need for and value of intergenerational work, the article moves on to describing key success factors identified through its own programme of work in creating high impact intergenerational work.

Drawing on experience gained from the support of some 50 projects under the Foundation's programme, a number of key elements are identified in the paper as particularly effective in creating successful intergenerational initiatives with significant impact: commonality – a common interest or goal shared among the different ages; co‐design – involve beneficiaries in developing activities; contribution – recognise that every participant has something to offer; community – house the work with key local players; competences – support and train staff to work with different ages.

Extending the literature base on the value of intergenerational practice, the article draws learning from a range of innovative projects in the UK and Portugal, where intergenerational work is still uncommon. The programme of funding was innovative in applying new approaches to intergenerational work including co‐design and social entrepreneurship. The article represents the first comparative analysis of a range of projects funded through the programme.

Intergenerational appreciative inquiry is an approach that maximizes the generativity of all generations and the generative outcomes of intergenerational collaboration. While conversations about intergenerationalism have increased in recent decades, forums and strategies for intergenerational collaboration have emerged at a much slower rate. In this chapter we explore definitions of the concepts of intergenerational and multigenerational and discuss generativity in the context of intergenerationalism. We share how we have found the appreciative inquiry summit, and other appreciative-based processes, to possess a natural capacity for enabling intergenerational inquiry that can maximize generativity. We conclude by turning to the future and discussing generational changes that are taking place in society and why we expect intergenerational appreciative inquiry will only increase in importance as we continue caring for the future together.

Intergenerational relations imply dealing with ambivalences. This thesis is what the contributions to this volume have in common. Yet, critics may claim that it is not a new insight. Among them are those who recall that some of the greatest sagas in Greek mythology depicted what we now refer to as ambivalence. Others may argue that the experience of ambivalence pervades everyday life. Adult children, for example, feel ambivalent about placing their elderly father or mother in a nursing home. Parents have mixed feelings about their child’s living with a partner without an intention to marry and have children. A son’s or a daughter’s “coming out” as gay or lesbian is fraught with ambivalence on both sides.

Most intergenerational mobility studies use data on two generations to estimate the elasticity between son's and father's earnings. The purpose of this paper is to use a data set spanning three generations to estimate additional relationships between a person's earnings and family background yielded by intergenerational mobility models such as Becker-Tomes (1979) model and modified versions of it.

The paper uses data from the 1996 PNAD – a nationally representative household survey in Brazil. The author builds a data set consisting of 5,125 grandfather-father-son triplets by taking advantage of two characteristics of Brazil. First, commonly in Brazil, individuals live with their parents until they marry. Second, individuals tended to quit school and begin working at an early age. As a result, there are many households with adult sons who are not at the very beginning of their working careers. Since the sample is limited to households with adult sons, the author applies Heckman (1979) estimation procedure to address selection bias.

Estimation results contradict some predictions of simple versions of the Becker and Tomes model. The paper proposes a modified version of the Becker and Tomes model that allows for a skipping generation effect, and finds that family background explains 34.9 percent of the variation in earnings among males aged 16-27 in Brazil. If there were no differences in endowments (talent, IQ, health, physical appearance, attitudes toward work, family connections, etc.), the variation in earnings would fall by no less than 26 percent. If it were possible to eliminate differences in investment in human capital, the variation in earnings would fall by at most 21.1 percent.

The paper has two main data limitations. First, the 1996 earnings of the fathers and sons are used as proxies for lifetime earnings although the transitory component of one-year earnings may be quite large, particularly at young ages. Second, in spite of the efforts to deal with the sample selection bias, the paper shows that the intergenerational elasticity in earnings for the sons aged 22-27 is about 14.6 percent lower for the subsample of households with adult sons than for the full sample.

The paper finds evidence supporting the existence of a direct effect of the grandparents on the grandchildren beyond their influence on the parents, and reinforces consideration of this factor in intergenerational mobility studies.

The findings in this paper may suggest a room for improvements in economic outcomes of children in less privileged families through investment in formal education as well as policies that considers other aspects of a person's life. For instance, Bolsa Família – a Brazilian government program that provide cash allowances to poor families conditional on children school attendance – may improve the economic outcomes of poor children by enforcing formal education and by lessening the children hardships at home.

The paper proposes a modified version of the Becker and Tomes model which allows for a skipping generation effect. Under the assumptions of the modified model and in hand with a three-generations data set from Brazil, the paper estimates a lowerbound for the variation in earnings explained by differences in endowments across families, and an upperbound for the variation in earnings explained by differences in human capital.

This study aims to increase the understanding about the concept of high-quality connections (HQCs) by examining how it develops between members of different generations.

It draws on film-based method to explain how the theory of HQC unfolds, particularly in a context of high intergenerational connection.

This study reflects the analysis of a movie that, to a large extent, fits in the HQCs conceptual framework. Rather, all key mechanisms of HQCs concept (i.e. behavioral, cognitive and emotional) were found in the plot of Die Hard 4.0. It provides compelling evidence that films may explore the possibilities of reality including the nuances of the relationships among human beings, despite the fact that it portrays a fictional creation. In doing so, it shows that HQCs are likely to be found – as very often happens in the real life – even in the worst situations. Findings also show that HQCs may be built through the time as individuals start to better know each other, i.e. their styles, behavior, religion preferences, held values, capabilities and interpersonal skills.

Otherwise, film method does not allow that the research results be generalized. At best, it offers elements to the viewers reflect about.

Very often individuals are designated to carry out certain tasks along with unknown colleagues with whom they need to interact in a positive manner to accomplish the goals. As a result, organizations should pay close attention to the quality of connections among their employees.

To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is the first endeavor toward analyzing the mechanisms of HQCs concept by means of such approach. In doing so, this analysis strongly corroborates HQCs concept functioning.

This chapter is concerned with exploring the various ways in which Pokémon Go complements or challenges family life. The chapter begins by explicating the multisided concept of play and the myriad definitions that surround this term. Having established the various way in which this phenomenon can improve the lives of those who engage in it – physically, emotionally and cognitively – we go on to consider how play has gradually shifted from public spaces and into designated playgrounds, and how this trend corresponds with children concurrently moving away from the streets and into their bedrooms. Following this, we explore the impact digital technologies are having on the practice of parenting, paying particular attention to video games as a significant facet of youth culture that is often associated with a range of negative connotations. Yet, video games are not intrinsically bad. As we outline, research on intergenerational play and joint-media engagement (JME) readily demonstrate the many benefits families can experience when these games are played together. What is missing from this developing body of work is the familial playing of locative games and the extent to which this practice adds contours to our understanding of this field. The chapter is, therefore, driven by the following research questions. First, why and how do families play Pokémon Go? This includes the different roles that family members adopt, alongside motivations for families playing this game, how the playing of this game complements the rhythms of family life and the extent to which this hybrid reality game (HRG) is suited to intergenerational play. Second, what impact does locative familial play have on families, collectively speaking, and regarding individual family members? Here, we are not just interested in whether this game allows families to bond and how this bonding process is experienced, but also whether the familial play of Pokémon Go provides families with any learning opportunities that might facilitate personal growth beyond the game. Third, what worries might parents have about the familial playing of Pokémon Go and to what extent does the locative aspect of this game reshape their apprehensions?