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Academic literature and news media on young people’s activism predominantly champions young people who align with liberal or progressive values, evident most recently in the youth-led climate strikes around the world. Research is often undertaken by scholars who see their work as advocacy for children and young people, countering deficit-based depictions of politically disengaged or ill-informed youth. Yet, this scholarship rarely includes young people whose forms of political activism align with conservative, right-wing, or even alt-right politics. Such ‘selective advocacy’ reinforces a limited picture of the who and what of young people’s political participation. In this chapter, I explore what it might mean for the field of youth studies to provide a more complex picture of young people’s activism and the necessary discomfort that emerges when the desire to advocate for young research participants conflicts with a researcher’s own political and moral concerns. Through a feminist post-structural frame, I examine media and public discourses surrounding instances of young people’s activism in conservative, right-wing, and alt-right spaces. I present the case of a conservative protest organised by a group of university students and targeting a drag queen hosted children’s story time at a library in Brisbane, Australia. This case highlights the importance of maintaining ‘epistemic uncertainty’ when it comes to the complexity of youth and activism. If we are to provide a fuller picture of youth activism, I argue that it is important not to overlook less ‘comfortable’ forms that do not neatly align with the progressive advocacy that dominates the field of youth studies.

This study aims to investigate the impact of online collective feminist actions on social media participation and the perceived value of social media as part of the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA).

A mixed methodology is used. Within the SIMCA model in the context of feminist collective actions, social identity, group-efficacy and fear predicted the intention of online collective action participation in the first part (quantitative) of the study. Contrary to predictions, the influence of anger on the intention to participate in collective action was negative. In-depth interviews are conducted in the study’s second (qualitative) part to investigate why individuals do not participate in collective actions despite their anger at violence against women.

The concept of online feminist collective action, from the perspective of the SIMCA model, deals with violence against women in the context of social marketing, revealing the importance of online collective actions as an antecedent of social media participation and the perceived value of social media. The possible causes of the negative impact of anger, which is an important emotion within the framework of the SIMCA model, on online feminist collective action were determined, and a contribution was made to the social marketing literature in the context of women’s rights.

The study makes three major contributions to the literature. First, women’s rights are addressed in the context of online collective action, an issue that has received little attention in social marketing. Second, in the context of the social identity theory of collective action, online collective feminist action and its predecessors are addressed. Finally, the Turkish case is used to highlight the probable causes of anger’s negative impact on collective action.

This article reflects on our joint experiences co-creating impact through a project in knowledge mobilisation – a website that disseminated resources and facilitated developmental activities for scholar-activists. We examine this project from the perspectives of the first author who created and ran the website and the second author who participated as a community member from the project’s launch.

The website attracted a scholarly activist community primarily comprising former and current women academics, who collaboratively informed the first author’s creation of articles, newsletters and workshops, that sought to develop individual and institutional capacities for feminist leadership.

This project in co-creating impact revealed the yearning and potential academics had for support and belonging. They were drawn to the website because many struggled with overwork, burnout and violence within a system that they did not feel was built for them. They strove to build a community around the website and its associated activities and resources so that they could fill the perceived gaps and heal the felt harms of their institutions.

Our reflections consider the different ways impact may be collaboratively generated through knowledge mobilisation in community, including how feminist redefinitions of impact may be designed and demonstrated in future projects. At the same time, we also critically examine the limitations of attempting to redress institutional issues as individuals without formal authority in those institutions.

This opening chapter of the edited volume, Childhood, Youth and Activism: Demands for Rights and Justice from Young People and Their Advocates, explores activism and advocacy – by and for children and young people. It begins by considering how activism has been understood in the scholarly literature, before making a case for a broad and inclusive conceptualisation of what counts as this particular form of social action. Relatedly, it examines the contours of the relationship between activism and advocacy, drawing attention to the ways in which these concepts converge, an issue that is particularly salient when applied to the categories of child and youth. Themes that emerge in research on child and youth activism are then drawn out and we identify some of the key issues that animate this work across various disciplines. These include observations that young people have long been central to social movements, the role of social media in youth activism, the nature of child and adult relationships in social movement organisations, and some of the issues that arise for young activists in relation to intersectional identities. To this we add debates regarding the politics of recognition, questions of voice and agency, and responsibility and their temporal registers. This discussion also foreshadows themes that emerge in the chapters across this volume. Finally, we offer a reflection on some of the conceptual issues raised when considering the book in its entirety, including those of voice, responsibility for the future, the politics of possibility and hope, and the many different forms and practices that activism and advocacy for and by young people take.