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This chapter discusses the Operation Lava Jato (or Operation Car Wash) which is an ongoing investigation in Brazil, since 2014, by the Federal Police and the Federal Public Ministry. This Operation triggered systemic and endemic corruption among companies, self-described as socially responsible, the State, and Brazilian Government. The analysis is based on empirical data available on the internet and in the Brazilian press about “Operation Car Wash” (Operation Lava Jato) and its socio-legal implications. We conclude that when a society has a historical and cultural tradition permeated by close private and patrimonial relations between government and companies, this fact negatively impacts the economic performance and the adoption of ethical behavior and social responsibility. This case study examines the recent police investigation into corruption involving companies and governments in a Latin American country. It provides empirical and historical data on the nature of the capitalism of ties model developed in Brazil that impacts on economic performance and the strategic proposal of corporate social responsibility.

The purpose of this paper is to help foster the global reach of Iberoamerican scholars, based on the author's own experiences and observations in the field.

This is an inductive study trying to generate a framework of “academic positioning” using the author's own experience as an example.

This paper presents an analytical framework of “academic positioning” and derives some practical suggestions for young Iberoamerican scholars.

The paper offers an analytical framework that informs likely career paths for young Iberoamerican scholars.

State capitalism is an economic model that relies on the role of a strong central government to support chosen firms and industries with subsidies, tax benefits and other advantages to which non-favored firms or industries do not have access (Bremmer, 2010). From an economic development perspective state capitalism is often used to redirect economic activity to underdeveloped regions (Wickham, 2009; Chobanyan and Leigh, 2006; Porter, 2008). The purpose of this paper is to examine the case of the Brazilian shipbuilding to illustrate the use of state capitalism to direct economic activity.

Using Porter’s diamond factor model the authors analyze the development of an economic cluster focussed on the shipbuilding industry in northeastern Brazil. Using interviews with company executives and archival information, the authors profile the investments and incentives that the government has made in this region with particular attention to the mechanisms and policy directives designed to support local involvement in cluster activity.

The authors find that the Brazilian shipbuilding industry offers a unique perspective on the role that governments play in the inducement of economic activity. The authors document the challenges that confront the local enterprise in meeting the requirements of the state controlled buyer and the difficulties associated with developing a local supplier base and finding a qualified workforce. The authors conclude with comments with regard to the applicability of this model to economic development activity in other country contexts.

This research adds to the body of literature on the role of governments in the creation of economic clusters.

Economic development in emerging markets is often associated with strong government intervention. The authors use the Brazilian shipbuilding industry to illustrate the role of a state owned enterprise in facilitation of economic development.

Some countries may suffer from what has been known as the “resource curse,” that is, the misallocation of resource wealth into non-productive activities. In this paper, the authors illustrate and attempt by the Brazilian government to use this wealth to create employment opportunities in an underdeveloped region of the country.

Emerging markets are challenged in developing viable enterprises that are competitive in global markets. Most research on the development of industrial clusters is focussed on developed markets. These markets do not have to confront the same challenges found in emerging markets. The research illustrates these challenges and the efforts that may be made to surmount them.

This chapter presents systematic evidence on the persistent power of guanxi, the Chinese phrase for informal social relations and networks, in transitional China. I draw heavily on my previous publications reporting findings from a series of probability sample surveys of the Job-Search Network (thereafter JSNET) project in Chinese cities, and job histories of the survey respondents combined cover a span of 37 years from 1978, the beginning year of China's market-oriented reforms, to 2014, the year of last JSNET survey completed.

The purpose of this second part of this special issue is to contribute to a better understanding of the nature of Soviet society. It is not possible to analyse such a society in all its complexities within the space of one study. There are, however, some economic relations which determine society's major features. We believe that commodity‐production relations in the Soviet Union are of this type.

Aim of the present monograph is the economic analysis of the role of MNEs regarding globalisation and digital economy and in parallel there is a reference and examination of some legal aspects concerning MNEs, cyberspace and e‐commerce as the means of expression of the digital economy. The whole effort of the author is focused on the examination of various aspects of MNEs and their impact upon globalisation and vice versa and how and if we are moving towards a global digital economy.

Nearly a century ago, Max Weber studied Chinese lineage system and argued that the power of the patriarchal sib impeded the emergence of industrial capitalism in China. Recently, Martin Whyte re-evaluated Weber's thesis on the basis of development studies and argued that, rather than an obstacle, Chinese family pattern and lineage ties may have facilitated the economic growth in China since the 1980s. This paper empirically tests the competing hypotheses by focusing on the relationship between lineage networks and the development of rural enterprises. Analyses of village-level data show that lineage networks, measured by proportion of most common surnames, have large positive effects on the count of entrepreneurs and total workforce size of private enterprises in rural China.

Neoliberal globalization is not a process in which capital freely moves around the globe and exploits labor tied to families, communities and nation states. Labor often moves, wants to move and has to move in this process. Labor required by the expanding circuit of capital exists as mobile labor. However, the movement of labor is allowed in a highly selective manner, depending upon the changing needs in the spaces of capital accumulation. Nation states continue to utilize borders to control labor mobility. These borders are boundaries built upon segregation between and discrimination against people of different races, genders, nationalities and residential statuses. Whereas this “bordered global capitalism” certainly made migration more costly, uncomfortable and risky process, it could not stop the increasing flow of migration. In fact, the mobility of labor has always been central to the reproduction of capitalism while the excessive mobility of labor or “escape” of labor often threatens capitalism maintained by borders as an external expression of exclusive citizenship that gives coherence to the otherwise class-divided population. This chapter looks into the ways in which migrant labor, despite all the constraints imposed upon them by borders, struggles to form “citizenship from below” by exercising social movement citizenship and thereby ruptures the fixed notion and institution of citizenship and migrant control regimes. The chapter does so by critically engaging with existing theories of labor migration and citizenship and presenting cases of the struggle of mobile labor in Hong Kong and South Korea.