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Regardless of economic interdependence, there is possibility that two countries occasionally have severe international stress. This is especially true between rising and ruling countries, which is referred to as “Thucydides’s Trap.” In order to analyze how a rising country can manage its growing presence in the world, the purpose of this paper is to examine the case of Japan as a rising power in the past.

There seem to be similarities between the “Japan problem” and the “China problem” such as the economic ascendance of a rising country and the failures of American leadership in spite of different time periods. Thus, analyzing Japan’s experience in the past can help understand how the growing international presence of a rising country can be managed.

When Japan created international economic policies, it aimed for the following three effects: for its trade liberalization to reduce western countries’ restrictions on its export products, for its economic assistance to contribute to developing countries’ stabilization and for its trade liberalization and its economic assistance to contribute to promoting its international trade and upgrading its international status. To accommodate an emerging country into the international system smoothly, not only the country itself but also others require comprehensive measures while considering policy interactions.

Most previous studies that analyze the relationship between a rising and a ruling country examine conflicts between the two parties from a bilateral perspective. However, since the conflicts do not only involve the two countries, but also other countries in the world, it is important to consider how the two countries and other affected countries manage the growing presence of a rising power. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze how an emerging country integrates itself into the existing international system from a multilateral perspective based on the case of Japan.

Presented at the “Disarm! For a Climate of Peace,” meeting held on September 30 – October 3, 2016 in Berlin and organized by the International Peace Bureau.

Of late, the ongoing trade war between the two most powerful economies of the world – United States and China – has placed both the countries on a horrid front, breaking the world’s most important bilateral relationship of the twenty-first century. Their failure to reach a concrete agreement on mutual benefit on matters related to growing hefty amount of China’s current account surplus of balance of payments (BoP) and endangering United States to create jobs on its side, China’s use of illegal and unfair methods to acquire rights on intellectual property and US technology at an effectively discounted price; and also the concern that China by hook or by crook seeks to weaken the US economy has made matters worse. It is in this context the chapter analyzes the trade tensions between them and the context under which it came to the fore and with what outcomes. The analysis recommends interventions of the global leaders to mitigate the issues for the betterment of the world economy.

The purpose of this paper is to offer a different perspective on the global consumer culture (GCC) phenomenon and identify new avenues for future research.

The paper is a thought piece.

The unprecedented globalization of the marketplace in the last 50 years has given rise to the emergence of GCC, and the rise of global companies and global brands, among others. Yet, as one surveys the globalscape, there are developments on the horizon that might threaten continued globalization. In this paper, the author discusses these developments and their implications around three interrelated, yet distinct, components of globalization: global integration of world economies, GCC and global brands.

The paper identifies unique research opportunities to study GCC in an emerging business context in which continued global integration is not guaranteed, and where globalization headwinds could reduce the contribution of perceived brand globalness to brand value.

The spread of COVID-19 is not just a health crisis. The pandemic has taken a geopolitical dimension. The health crisis amplified the competitive dynamics between the USA and China, affected the provision of global public goods and injected instability into the global order. In line with the geopolitical zero-sum thinking, both the USA and China have sought to capitalize on the crisis to boost their international profile. Instead of working together to mitigate the health and economic impacts of COVID-19, the two powers fear that the other will exploit the current situation to accrue political, economic or military gains that will give it an edge after the pandemic subsides. The spread of COVID-19 has set off a “battle of narratives,” in which China and the USA are accusing each other of failing to rise to the challenge. The world seems to be falling into a “Kindleberger Trap,” in which the established power is unable to lead while the rising power is unwilling to assume responsibility. The COVID-19 crisis is occurring amid the collapse of global cooperation. The USA, the traditional leader of international collective efforts in times of crisis, has abandoned its role entirely. The lack of leadership at the global level during an international crisis may cause the breakdown of the international order.

This paper examines the US-China competitive dynamics through the lens of the work of Charles Kindleberger, which both liberals and realists regard as foundational when examining the dynamics of global crisis management. This paper also uses the meta-geopolitics framework to determine the ability of both China and the USA to respond to the current COVID-19 crisis and its implications for their power and standing in the international system.

This paper concludes that the only way to escape the Kindleberger trap is “to embed Sino-American relations in multilateralism.”

As rivals, both the USA and China are seeking to capitalize on the crisis to boost their international profile. This paper probes how China and the USA navigated the ongoing COVID-19 crisis to determine whether or not they are currently in a “Kindleberger Trap,” using elements of the meta-geopolitics framework of analysis, namely, health issues, domestic politics, economics, science and international diplomacy. Using the meta-geopolitics framework will help us determine the ability of both China and the USA to respond to the current COVID-19 crisis and the implications of that on their power and standing in the international system.

The essay explores the profound nature and consequences of subjectivity struggles in everyday life. W. E. B. Du Bois's concept of double consciousness and its constituent concepts of the veil, twoness, and second sight illuminate the process of racialized self-formation. Racialized self-formation contributes to understanding the cultural reproduction of domination and subjugation, the two primary concerns of radical interactionists. Double consciousness, long ignored by symbolic interactionists, cannot be neglected by radical interactionists if they are to articulate a comprehensive account of self-formation in a white-supremacist culture. Reflections on racialization, meritocracy, and subjectivity struggles in contemporary everyday life conclude the essay.