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The prevalence of domestic violence in Nigeria may be described as epidemic. To address this scourge, several pieces of legislation have been enacted in the past decade at state and federal levels in Nigeria. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the emerging legislation on domestic violence. This paper thus examines the contents of these laws in a bid to determine the potential of these laws to prevent domestic violence, deter perpetrators from further incidents, punish perpetrators, compensate survivors and provide them with the necessary interventions for their rehabilitation.

The approach adopted is a content analysis of the provisions of the legislation, using salient parameters that have been drawn from documented best practices, specifically the key components for framing of domestic violence legislation around the world.

The author finds that while there is significant attempt in extant legislation to ensure that women are protected within domestic relationships, there are still gaps. Further, the protections are uneven across the states. In addition, there are systemic and contextual challenges that hamper the effectiveness of existing legislation in Nigeria in providing the necessary protections to women.

This study analyses the provisions of some of the legislation currently in place to protect persons from domestic violence. The impact, potential effect and overall utility of these pieces of legislation continue to require examination.

Theories of ethnic conflict often assume that the cause of political violence is the same across actors and constant over time. I propose that causes differ, depending upon the identity, grievances, and strategy of the perpetrator as influenced by the cultural, economic, and political contexts in which they operate. Together with Granger causality tests, multivariate time‐series analyses of political deaths in Northern Ireland support a multi‐causal perspective. Reflecting identity differences, Loyalist violence but not Republican violence was likely to increase during months when high levels of protest coincided with annual commemorations. By deepening grievances related to ethnic stratification, rising unemployment contributed to Republican violence, but not to Loyalist violence. Repression of Nationalists increased Republican violence but decreased Loyalist violence, supporting a see‐saw conceptualization of political opportunities in divided societies. The findings highlight the need for sensitivity in both conflict research and management to differences between actors and across social contexts.

Rio de Janeiro has a high tourism potential, and it is the only Brazilian city among the 100 most visited in the world. However, the National Confederation of Commerce of Goods, Services and Tourism estimates that from the total loss of revenue from tourism activities of the State of Rio de Janeiro in 2017, approximately 29 percent of this loss can be attributed to increased violence in the State. Thus, this study aims to estimate the impact of violence on tourist arrivals to Rio de Janeiro.

The analysis is based on a sample of tourist arrivals to Rio de Janeiro from 51 countries, for the period between 2003 and 2016. Violence is represented by violent deaths in the State of Rio de Janeiro as well as in the capital. The estimates are based on panel data methodology. This study reports fixed-effect estimates as well as dynamic panel data estimates obtained through S-GMM. The study runs regressions for the full sample and also for two other samples: one with tourists coming from developed countries and another with tourists from developing countries.

The results reveal that violence negatively impacts tourism to Rio, and it shows that tourists from developed countries are more affected by violence than tourists from developing countries. The findings indicate that for each violent death in the capital of Rio de Janeiro, almost four tourists from developed countries and approximately three tourists from developing countries quit going to Rio de Janeiro.

The paper is one of the few to investigate the impacts of urban violence on tourism. The paper provides two contributions. First, it addresses the effect of violent deaths on tourism, bringing evidence to a destination with a high tourism potential, but which suffers from urban violence. Second, the study is the first to investigate whether this relation is different for tourists from countries with distinct levels of development (and thus with different levels of violence).

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-09-2019-0590

The paper aims to understand how state and non-state domestic terrorism impacts MNEs in foreign markets. Despite the burgeoning literature on terrorism within international business (IB), most research has focused on international terrorism, or terrorism generally. Consequently, there has been limited research examining how domestic or local based terrorism impacts foreign firms.

This is a conceptual paper.

Domestic terrorism is the most common form of terrorism in the world today and involves the state and non-state actors. Non-state domestic terrorism can be low intensity or high intensity. High intensity non-state-domestic terrorism typically involves regular and protracted political violence, along with inter-communal violence. This can expose MNEs to considerable operational, governance and legitimacy pressures.

The paper contributes to the gap in IB terrorism research with regards domestic or local based terrorism. Drawing on IB theory and critical terrorism research, the paper addresses the nature and impact of domestic terrorism within IB. The authors’ paper shows the operational, governance and legitimacy pressures of both state and non-state domestic terrorism for MNEs in host markets. While most IB scholars consider the threat of non-state terrorism for international firms, this study shows how domestic state terrorism benefits and constrains foreign firms.

The newly emerging field of family violence has its modern origins in the early 1960s with the publication in 1962 of an article by C. Henry Kempe entitled “The Battered Child Syndrome.” This article captured the attention of professionals in medicine and the social sciences. Since that time there have been numerous articles and books dealing with the causes, treatment, and prevention of child abuse. Kempe has continued to work on child abuse and is Director of the National Center for the Prevention and Treatment of Child Abuse and Neglect in Denver. In editing books on helping the child and the family, he has collaborated with Ray E. Heifer, Professor in Pediatrics and Human Development at Michigan State University.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of states’ pandemic responses to the conditions and vulnerabilities of undocumented Filipino migrants in Italy and the UK. It also explores the role and strategies of migrant organisations in addressing the issues and concerns of undocumented workers.

Qualitative approaches are used to collect and analyse the narratives of the migrants and migrant organisations. This paper used government reports, policy briefs and documents from international organisations in analysing the socio-political vulnerabilities of undocumented migrants in the context of the global pandemic. In addition, we interviewed leaders of migrant organisations, which are involved in supporting irregular migrants.

The study reveals that states have exercised a regime of legitimate violence against undocumented workers in Italy and the UK. This regime is imposed not only by the stringent laws and policies that directly and indirectly cause economic, social and even cultural suffering to the migrants but also by the “symbolic violence” manifested in structural and social inequalities, and the exploitative economic order amid the pandemic. Responding to the “regime of fear”, migrant organisations provide immediate relief and “safe spaces” for the undocumented workers.

The paper contributes to the ongoing conversation on state practices in regulating migration by framing the conditions of undocumentation as legal violence that structurally deprives irregular migrants access to health care and human rights amid global health crisis.

This paper aims to examine the relationship between law enforcement agency domestic violence standard operating procedures (SOPs) and Florida's model policy for domestic violence, as well as type of police agency and policing management model.

Data for this study include the SOPs and self‐reported policing model for Florida law enforcement agencies (n=72), which were collected through an e‐mail request to all Florida agencies. The policing model was dichotomized into “traditional policing” and “community oriented policing” styles. Content analysis was used to analyze each agency's SOPs.

Findings suggest there are no differences in SOP content across “traditional” versus “community oriented policing” policing models. Agencies self‐reporting as community oriented policing agencies were not necessarily any more likely to include preventative or long‐term goals within their domestic violence SOPs than agencies self‐reporting as “traditional” policing agencies. There were also no differences in SOP content across type of police agency.

This research suggests that although SOPs are used to formalize policy for officer decision making, they may not be representative of the policing management model of an agency.

Agencies that identify as community policing agencies should examine whether written policies demonstrate an adherence to the core tenets of community policing.

There is no research that examines the link between written domestic violence policies and agency policing models. This paper adds to the extant literature and suggests topics for future research in this area.

This paper aims to trace the genealogy of state violence on Palm Island to argue forms of “colonial” control over Indigenous governance and organisational life persist in Australia. Using Agamben's theories of homo sacer, sovereign power and state of exception, the paper seeks to reveal the biopolitical nature of two centuries of abuses against Indigenous Australians. Arguably, past and recent tragedies on Palm Island show how juridico‐political regimes continue to subvert the citizenship and human rights of many Indigenous Australians – their sovereignty, governance structures and organisations. The purpose of the paper is to develop a greater focus in postcolonial writing on current political issues, by combining critical theory with grounded narratives of lived experiences and contemporary events.

Insights from political theorist Agamben are used to critically analyse the management of violence on Palm Island. The paper draws on documents from the public record, such as historical accounts, legislation, parliamentary Hansard and records of government inquiries, as well as first hand media commentaries of recent events. These textual data form the empirical and evidentiary base from which broader theoretical conceptualisations of this case are discussed.

The paper finds the lingering effects of past exclusion/s are inscribed in the discursive environment and continue to animate the power relations that effect the life and death experiences of Indigenous Australians today. It finds utility and relevance in applying Agamben's theories of the camp, state of exception and homo sacer, to extend postcolonial understandings of contemporary Indigenous contexts. The legitimacy and derivative power of organizations is compromised during times of “exception” and this raises important theoretical issues worthy of further exploration from both a critical management studies and postcolonial perspective.

This paper applies Agamben's theories in an original way to the postcolonial context. It extends theoretical understandings of racial oppressions and organisational consequences.

Male violence against women in general is a major source of frustration, fear, distress, injury, and even death. It transcends lines of ethnicity, economic status, religious persuasion, sexual orientation, national origin, geographic regions, and age differences, and impacts even the existence of those women who do not experience violence directly (Coley & Beckett, 1988; Goodman, et al., 1993a; Johnson, 1996). The phenomenon of violence against women continues to be trivialised, ignored, or rationalised by individuals, societal institutions, and mental health professionals. This undermines its prevention and intervention efforts (Koss, et al., 1994). However, scholarly, public, and policy attention to this grave societal problem of inordinate magnitude has increased dramatically over the past two decades, and a number of important national policy reports have identified violence against women as a critical economic, criminal justice, and public health issue (Eichler & Patron, et al., 1987; Beijing World Conference on Women, 1995).

The purpose of this paper is to determine the type and severity of domestic violence faced by Indian women. An attempt has also been made to analyze and interpret demographic variations of domestic violence. The authors have highlighted steps taken by several government, community and private organizations on issues of domestic violence.

The analysis of National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-III data (2005) was used for determining the socio-economic factors, which are predictors of domestic violence against spouses and children. Logistic Regression Technique was applied.

Results suggest that increased formal education for women, increase in family wealth, and financial independence may decrease spousal violence. Younger women and those who belong to a nuclear family are more vulnerable to spousal violence.

The research paper only limits its focus on women in India in the age group of 15-49. A cross-country comparison and a longitudinal study would have given better idea on the issue. Besides in India, there are serious issues of concerns of violence against children and elders which have not been part of discussion on this paper.

The paper not only discusses causes of domestic violence but also on its effects on physical and psychological well-being of women and children.

The uniqueness of the study lie in on not only extracting out from NFHS survey-III data, the socio-economic factors which are determinants of domestic violence but also analyzing the politico-religious-cultural factors which play major role on the issue. The authors have also thrown light on consequences of domestic violence.